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The graduation ceremony began with the national anthem and the recitation of the Military Police Special Bulletin. The guards were then sworn into duty. The GRIN public graduation ceremony continued with a flag ceremony and a series of demonstrations by the indigenous troops: offensive and defensive exercises, horsemanship, the capture and handling of prisoners, and fighting moves traditional to their cultures.

At the end of the ceremony, the film shows various indigenous songs being hummed and then, in one of the most shocking scenes of the institutionalization of torture in Brazil, a group of indigenous people carrying another indigenous person hung from a pau-de-arara torture device. Because of this lack of regulation, decisions about the treatment of each confined indigenous person were arbitrary and autocratic. Indigenous people were at the mercy of private decisions based on criteria that the staff of the colony — military police officers — determined.

As anthropologist Lucy Seki observes, the staff was unprepared to handle emotional and psychological problems, which were common amongst the indigenous people torn from their territories:. Original archival source: Museum of the Indian archives. With a military education and no preparation to handle any cross-cultural situation, they frequently confused apathy and depression with indolence and laziness; efforts to make themselves heard and respected were treated as a lack of respect for superiors; acts of desperation and protest were seen as defiance of authority, provocation, and ingratitude.

This is why the reformatory has in certain instances been denounced as a concentration camp 26 — a place where indigenous people were taken by force, with no goal other than to labor under the orders of the police. He entered the indigenous guard, became a member of the GRIN and, in , was one of those responsible for surveillance in the reformatory. Individual files allow us to follow the different trajectories of indigenous people confined in the PIGM reformatory between , as well as the kind of behavioral and moral evaluations to which they were submitted.

Reprinting the narrative written about him here is useful as an example of the kind of behavioral analyses that indigenous people were submitted to at the reformatory:. However his bad character, his bad moral education, and the terrible customs he acquired in Rio de Janeiro came through, and he ended up showing his true face.

Initially, he showed how irresponsible he was after receiving permission to spend Saturday and Sunday at the home of an acquaintance in charge of the PIGM. He stayed there on Monday as well and did not sleep at the home of the appropriate person, and police had to escort him back to the reservation. Ever since, we have had no conditions to release him.

Now, for the past two days, he has been behaving very well and seems to show remorse for the episode, and so I decided to let him out. He said that he would flee on the first possible opportunity and that no one would ever be able to find him, but this was said in a moment of desperation.

He used to sleep in the warehouse but now he sleeps in the lodging reserved for Indians with good behavior, under the supervision of the officer on watch. This is a notable case. Moreover, this case shows the tension and conflict that existed between indigenous people and reformatory staff: attempts to negotiate that allowed the confined to gain some degree of freedom and personal agency, and the criteria for and types of punishment established by the corrections officers.

In that way, the civil-military dictatorship centralized and organized repression against indigenous people, and in so doing made it more efficient and brutal. The chart presents the organization and hierarchy of the state system that repressed indigenous peoples. Although violence is intrinsic to how reformatories functioned, there are few allegations that the reformatory or the GRIN murdered indigenous people. The goal was to control every aspect of the private, intimate, and professional life of victims — and not necessarily to physically eliminate them.

For this reason, the types of violence practiced also varied. The aforementioned citizen recently approached management and expressed his desire to officially marry the Indian in question. I support the marriage. Sergeant Rodrigues expresses his support for the marriage. The consumption of alcoholic beverages, for example, was entirely prohibited in the area of the PIGM while the reformatory operated, including for the Krenak people who lived there but who were not confined.

We can see that many practices that took place in the PIGM were replicated in the Guarany Farm, even though the number of available documents are much smaller for the second location. Forced transfer, confinement, torture, and prohibitions continued for some time. It is difficult to specify the precise date on which the activities of the reformatory ended. Three dates are important in research on the question, for different reasons: , the year in which the transfer to the Guarany Farm took place; , when Captain Pinheiro stops leading the AJMB and Itatuitim Ruas of the Juruna tribe takes over; and , when this new superintendent of the AJMB frees a series of indigenous people who had been held at the Guarany Farm.

But the transfer of indigenous people considered delinquent to this region, which had been converted into an Indian reservation put under the definitive administration of the Military Police, continued until at least I did everything I could to make Manoel the Indian stop this aggression in his courageous effort to release his father. I tried to seize him and put him in the jail with his father. I went out of the office and engaged in a ferocious fistfight, we both fell to the floor.

He had been detained with support from a police team and was taken back to this Colony, where he is now held in jail. Totally successful escape attempts were rare, but include one carried out by Antonio and Macir of the Guajajara people in August The inconsistency in reformatory records and notes, especially during the period in which the Guarany Farm functioned, makes it hard to know what happened to the majority of confined indigenous people.

There are few files that specify the date in which the confined individuals were released, for example. However, the Krenak people have organized a movement for justice in recent years, giving their testimonies about these events, clarifying what is unclear in documents.

The reformatory or the reformatories , after having been framed as humanitarian projects at the time of their foundation, were soon denounced as part of the state of exception that deeply affected the lives of indigenous people. They pressured the other Indians to work for them. There are few indigenous people who speak their language and know their history. Then everything turns white, no one knows anything.

Their fundamental rights were restricted they were not free to choose romantic or professional relationships. Given these grave violations of rights, and given the fact that granting amnesty for each individual indigenous person affected in this process would be nearly impossible, the Public Ministry MPF joined with the Ministry of Justice to register a request for collective amnesty for the Krenak indigenous people in March In the request for amnesty, the MPF alleges that the Krenak people were collectively affected by the repressive apparatus created by the civil-military dictatorship.

They should therefore be given political amnesty and reparations from the Brazilian state as a people, a collective entity this has never been done in the realm of the Ministry of Justice MJ Amnesty Commission, which only currently is prepared for individual reparations. Decree no. The protocol established in this decree is highly focused on the individual, which prevents a clear understanding of and reparations for violations that did not only affect individuals both morally and physically, but that also affected the very possibility of the existence of a collective body.

Still, indigenous societies are largely structured more in relation to the collective than to the individual in such a way that individual monetary reparations are not only unable to adequately compensate for the violations that resulted in the social and cultural destruction of the affected peoples, but these individual reparations also may not be compatible with the culture and demands of the indigenous populations.

Moreover, if considered, this requirement could result in a significant paradigm shift for the Amnesty Commission, serving as precedent that would likely extend to other populations that collectively suffered repression these cases are many, as the National Truth Commission CNV shows that at least 8, deaths and disappearance of indigenous people took place between and It is precisely this pioneering effort and the possibilities that the proposal offers for all indigenous peoples persecuted by the dictatorial regime that makes the Krenak request for collective amnesty a historical document, even though it is still being analyzed by the Ministry of Justice.

According to anthropologist Gilney Viana, who researched how peasants were excluded from the transitional justice process, of the 1, dead and disappeared peasants identified in his research, the CEMPD only analyzed 51 cases, of which 29 were deferred. Consequently, few people who do not fit that profile receive political amnesty.

They were the first indigenous people to officially receive amnesty in Brazil. The Aikewara inhabit a region in which repression against the Araguaia Guerilla movement flared up in According to the allegations presented, the army invaded their territory to install a military unit in the region. The indigenous reformatory built on the land of the Krenak people — as well as the Rural Indigenous Guard GRIN and forced displacements carried out by the Minas Gerais Military Police — are chapters in an authoritarian project that the civil-military dictatorship brought to fruition.

This project profoundly affected the Krenak way of life, and its consequences are felt to this day. Various other indigenous groups and individuals were also affected by the reformatory and by GRIN, but the impact was greatest and most comprehensive for the Krenak people. The entire Krenak tribe was affected, directly or indirectly, by the occupation of their land, by the military administration of their reservation, by forced transfers, by forced coexistence with other populations, and by the censorship and bans on their cultural, economic, and social expression.

This means that the victim of this crime perpetrated by the dictatorial regime is the Krenak collective itself, and it would be insufficient and perhaps even involve unforeseen consequences, as with the Aikewara to provide individual reparations.

This is why the result of the case for collective amnesty for the Krenak people, still unwritten as I finish this article, can serve as a clue, an indication of what this country will see as human rights moving forward. Will human rights be a tool in the fight against tyranny and operate on the principles of freedom and the emancipation of all oppressed peoples, or will they be an imperialist instrument for domination that aims to reaffirm long-standing privileges and inequalities?

Translated from the Portuguese by Lara Norgaard. Zahar Editores, Rio de Janeiro, PUC-SP, O fim dos direitos humanos. FICO, Carlos. Rio de Janeiro: Ponteio, Campinas: Unicamp, Poder tutelar e indianidade no Brasil. Tese de doutorado em Antropologia Social. SEKI, Lucy. SIMI, Gustavo. Pede constantemente para ir embora dessa localidade. Fonte: Acervo do Museu do Indio. Em seguida, foi apresentado o juramento dos guardas. Fonte: Acervo Museu do Indio. Manga Rosa MR is an experimental art collective that appeared in the massive metropolis in the s.

It is a reflection on the past as well as very timely inspiration for creative liberation from structures of power in the present. I only want to engage in what will make it okay I have no time to waste -Torquato Neto.

Nothing is worse than empty nostalgia. Retelling stories is one of the few ways to interfere with this conditioning. This story helps us to contemplate the role of transgression and art in the city, and the city itself as art, youth culture and its importance in the 20 th and 21 st centuries, and, above all, the way perverse mechanisms blot out historical fact.

But only those who had the means could actually visit this other place and have access to what it produced. Beyond that, censorship existed, and it was not always obvious. The most aware—as well as the least informed—suspected that a lot was going on, and it was necessary to find out where it was happening and who was cultivating the unrest. Television transported the imagination, fixing the distance between those who produced art in this industrialized system and all the young people who ceased to be active, aspiring artists and became, to a large extent, mere consumers.

Their concurrence evokes dialectical images, synthetic fusion of contradictions. Still within the dictatorship, Brazil came into contact with the globalized world by consuming its art, but also by criticizing capitalism through transgression and poetry. Life consisted of dancing and dates on Sundays, the Juventus Athletic Club, the alleyways, the history of immigration and factories; the district was considered part of the periphery, yet it was closely tied to the center of the city.

The geographical setting of these encounters means much more than GPS coordinates: identifying the setting serves as an attempt to understand the psychogeography of where these two artists constructed themselves. The intensity of this constant friendship blends with urban life, wandering, observation, reflection, as well as poetic acts and political interventions. Used with the permission from the artists. Jorge, Paul, Marcio — Alienarte 1, Producing and publishing magazines has been a fundamental artistic endeavor since the famed European avant-garde, for whom literature and the visual arts came together in confluence on the printed page.

Magazines provided a platform to circulate the manifestos and to express the political framework underlying each movement. In the s, artistic experimentation regains the need for these publications as an important platform for disseminating ideas, and also as a deconstructive exercise.

Once again, the lines between languages must be blurred, as in the magazines of the avant-garde. The soundtrack is rock; literature and ideas are centered on countercultural writings, debates, and movements, and especially on Luiz Carlos Maciel, Marcuse, Caetano, Mautner, and tropicalismo. Together with Paul Constantinides, Joca organizes a publication dedicated to urban cultural events, Alienarte. It is in this environment that they complete issue number 3 of Alienarte , which is never published.

The journal, in line with what was called independent or alternative press, presented visual language that deconstructed the standards of established publications. Outside of Brazil, Alienarte might be considered a punk zine, with its all-encompassing criticism, especially criticism of modernism and its projects that promised a structured utopia. Disorganizing life is also a way of life, one that should not be ignored or exterminated; on the contrary, its possibilities should be explored.

Brothers and sisters, listen up: we got to stay on our toes because the enemy has penetrated both sides. And his weapons are powerful, able to cover our eyes, to make our minds as linear as they get. Man, morality does not exist! Closed-mindedness lurks in more places than you expect. Today the story is different; we got to be alert…No more self-indulgent garbage!

No more doctrines! Joca , Alienarte 2, Alienarte keeps its promise: it is a cultural magazine as dizzying as the city itself, trying to connect all the conceptual and vital threads that intertwine the stories of its characters, producers, and interviewees. Used with permission from the artists. Their office is located in a gallery on Augusta Street where they assist other young visual artists and writers in the development of their own publications and provide emotional, logistical, and artistic support.

It is necessary to point out the ambiguity, and, consequently, the intrigue that the name Manga Rosa MR arouses. Many stories circulate about the origin of this designation, none definitive, all plausible and alluring. The phrase is slang for a high-quality strain of marijuana, but it can also refer to the legendary Brazilian Revolutionary Movement the MR-8 if read in acronymic form, which is commonly used to disguise subliminal messages.

In a statement made to Guilherme Godoy , Zorzete points out that the presence of fruit in the images produced by the group, suggestive of a certain anthropophagic and tropical environment, could have led to the name. But another story also surfaces in the conversation: Bassani was nicknamed Manga Rosa because of his spiky hair. In any case, the words Manga Rosa, when said today, signify a subversion of pedantry, a return to everyday life.

The members of MR never shy away from their lack of class privilege they went to public schools, for example , or their origin in Mooca which is presently a neighborhood being gentrified with many old factories awaiting their transformation into condominiums ; their work embraces political engagement and urban existence. Life is in the streets and in the faces of the underprivileged. Another participant at the event, Carlos Dias, aligns himself with MR. In response to the invitation, they create i.

Marcio Perassolo, Cabelo and Dias, as well as Bassani and Zorzete, become a hub for the circulation of information at the festival. While they prepare and publish i. The image published and censored in i.

The first phase is to take hold of the space… Invade, then find a way. The first important intervention by MR is Ocupe se vire Invade, then find a way. The interventions last a year and focus on the city and its possibilities. Without a doubt, Ocupe se vire and the artistic acts on the billboards are a premonition, or at the very least show a keen sensibility of the power in finding and activating public space.

A subsequent work continues to implement the use of disruptions, which estrange passersby, almost alienating them from the flow of the city. The group finds or steals? A dialogical and diabolical view of urban relationships arises: why not return them, and though their new formal and geographical configuration, inspire confusion or at least doubt in which directions to follow?

De formative signaling is, consequently, a deviation in movement and the process of decoding. In the city people circulate to produce their own lives and reproduce capital. With the new encodings, what is imposed is doubt, wandering, waste of time, fun or rage. In response to the commotion, the mayor promises to return the work to its rightful place, and the monument is taken back to the Plaza das Guianas.

In a kind of endless dialogue with the city and its happenings, they bring about a series of acts. It is worth questioning whether the art resides only in the objects—the signs and billboards— or also in the very performativity that is articulated through the actions, the projects, the public.

Jorge Bassani and Francisco Zorzete completed many works as MR, either as a duo or in a larger group. When in MR mode, the works are collective, thus remain unsigned. However, the two artists also produce individually. Their works have the same relationship with city space, further refined by cross-references. The following series of works by the duo plunges into an archive filled with references to the most significant Brazilian art of the 20th century.

According to Bassani:. The fetishized city and the reified woman. From that period until , about seven hundred spaces were adapted to include playgrounds in abandoned and decaying areas that had very few figurative, geometric structures. There is, in fact, an anti-modernist character in this work.

Yes, at first glance it incorporates elements of constructivism and neoplasticism; however, it goes beyond this legacy. No problem more contemporary exists. Bassani, Zorzete, and Dias are invited to participate, but they propose a piece that reveals a shantytown that stands behind a billboard.

On one side an advertisement caters to some, while on the other side there is poverty. When MR refuses, the institution disinvites them from the event. Since then, Bassani and Zorzete have continued to create art in the name of Manga Rosa, either as a duo or individually. They have never stopped moving forward, even when the market privileged some specific pictorial representation or began operating under the perverse logic that the replacement of the less young with the even younger would somehow achieve permanent innovation.

Currently, their research focuses on the relationship with the modern-day city, but it also integrates poetry and contemplations about the art world and how it transforms. They brought their transcoding to fruition, not through the creation of objects, but in a continuous and performative process.

They investigated space; they invested in time. MR continues to invade and continues to find a way. Feeling inspired? Check out the music and films that that influenced Manga Rosa:. Meteorango Kid. Nada pior do que nostalgia, ainda mais a superficial.

Muito mais do que isso, tem como objetivo uma psicogeografia a partir da qual esses artistas se constroem como tais ao tramarem sua obra. Os textos anti-editoriais de Alienarte buscam o enfrentamento com o leitor. Ou, por vezes, o estabelecimento de palavras de ordem, alertas:.

A caretice reside em mais lugares do que se pensa. Em resposta ao convite, criam i. A imagem publicada e censurada em i. Ao encontrarem ou pegarem? Segundo Bassani:. A cidade fetichizada e a mulher reificada. A curadoria do evento barrou o trabalho, solicitando outro. What does it mean to be in exile? How does one express the experience of forced separation — of being absent from place?

And what does the memory of that separation mean for generations to come, for those who did not physically experience exile but who know it through family feelings, experiences, and narratives? Izabel Fontes explores these questions in her critical essay on The House in Smyrna , a novel by Brazilian author Tatiana Salem Levy, herself a daughter of exiled Brazilians.

Her grandfather brings her an old key—the key to his house in Turkey, where he lived before emigrating to Brazil, fleeing from the shadows of an impossible love. The object, preserved as a specter of a distant life, carries an implied request: for his granddaughter to rebuild her life, to get out of bed and abandon mourning. The novel is composed of short chapters, divided into seven distinct temporalities. Since the different stories—separated by decades in time—are all told using the same narrative strategy, they tend to blend together and become confused with one another.

The narrator, who claims to have been born in self-exile, seems to also reject any possibility of chronology, living in a dislocated and broken time. The entire narrative is constructed as the preparation for a trip, as if her life and suffering gain meaning only when she leaves her room, walks onto the airplane and gets off in the two countries that shelter her origins—where she discovers the cure to a fear that paralyzes her, allowing her to find a new love and make peace with the past.

This suffering unfolds over years and replicates itself in different forms, defining a way of being in the world and the image that the narrator sees in the mirror. The torturing of her parents during the dictatorship is seen as a type of formative violence, to be relived unconsciously by the mother and daughter over the course of their lives, in an inescapable cycle.

This violence also shapes the past, reinterpreted and retold in terms uncovered in the clandestine basement of the police station. The appropriation of family history occurs not only on a discursive level, but also on a physical level, through the image of the narrator trapped in bed. Deformed by the pains of a past she never experienced, confined to a deteriorating materiality, we see a narrator who does not recognize herself, whose body does not belong to her.

This non-recognition spreads and intensifies, yet another mark of exile. Spaces—the different cities she visits, her room, the hospital where she watched her mother die, the apartment used by her parents as a hiding place, the prison cell where the torture takes place—are always described ambiguously. That is why I am solid, unpolished, still rough. Writing allows the trip to begin before the trip, through family photographs.

For those who live in exile, the house is only a specter. Exile exists, then, in the form of deprivation of a space of identity. This generation, which can be referred to as the post-generation, lives beneath the shadows of an exile in effect never lived—a spatial displacement never experienced firsthand. This unattainability is precisely what our narrator is searching for. By considering herself the product of an exile that was never hers, the main character in The House in Smyrna initiates a denaturalization of memory, which comes to be questioned, reconstructed and mediated.

Broken space and inaccessible chronology continually reveal the impossibility of unification, while simultaneously exposing the limits of representation. A search for identity that returns to exile is a search for the vestiges of that which is absent. Absence adheres to space and the narration itself. If you say this to Brazilian novelist Milton Hatoum, he will swiftly remind you that he invented his characters, but then add the caveat that certain elements of his own life influence his fiction.

In his most recent novel, A noite da espera Night of Waiting ,. As they tried to live daily life, they watched their classmates get arrested and sometimes disappear into that strange urban landscape. The images and his fragments of fiction inspired our conversation. I recreated the experience later by collaging the images, and attaching to each a quote from the interview and a section of the novel in my English translation.

Choose an image in the collage that calls your attention and click. Experience the quotes from the interview and the novel, like the memory that arises from your subconscious when you see an old photo or visit a place from your childhood.

Meander through the memory of the other — that of both fictional Martim and his inventor, Milton Hatoum. Some fragments address the relationship between city space and oppression and the way in which politics are engrained in setting. Others simply capture the human experience of distance, loneliness, and abandonment.

All translations are from the Portuguese by Lara Norgaard. All efforts were made to find the rights to the photographs published in the volume. Please contact us with any information about the images Milton Hatoum is a Brazilian novelist born in Manaus in He has won a range of prizes for his fiction, including the prestigious Jabuti Prize for Relato de um certo Oriente , his first novel, and Cinzas do Norte , for which he also was awarded the Bravo!

Paulo and O Globo. Identify the places where dictatorship violence took place and where resistance pushed back. Visit them and experience history as something real and material, something that leaves its scars in territory.

Imbuing places with memories of the past is essential to learning about what the military regime meant for the experience of people of different social groups going about their everyday lives. It is an extremely important public memory initiative, one relevant for an international audience as well as a local one. A world-famous tourist destination, Rio de Janeiro is filled with invisible traces of a recent oppressive dictatorship — which has as its legacy state violence in the present.

Artememoria adapted the 34 sites located in the center zone of Rio de Janeiro, many of which relate to artistic and cultural resistance, developing an interactive, English-language map. Virtually explore the urban fabric of Rio de Janeiro by selecting themes of interest or, if you visit Rio, use this page as an alternative guidebook, one that allows for a deep understanding of Brazilian history and issues of human rights in the past and the present.

This map contains nine central themes, listed below the tenth theme, Rural Repression and Land Conflict, does not apply to the central zone of the city of Rio. The categories highlight some of the research topics considered fundamental to developing a critical memory of the period of the military dictatorship.

Note that the themes are not mutually exclusive, nor fully comprehensive, and that not all spaces fit cleanly within each topic. For that reason, each site of memory on this map falls within at least one of the major thematic categories. It also includes the major events and ideological and political disputes that characterized the s and that resulted in the installation and consolidation of the military regime.

This category primarily encompasses the network of institutions and physical spaces responsible for the political oppression carried out during the military regime, including the censorship and propaganda apparatus. It highlights official sites belonging to the Armed Forces, police, or the judiciary as well as clandestine ones. Also included in this list are spaces in which repressive state action constituted attacks or extreme acts of violence.

In that sense, it reveals the military, corporate, and civil bloc that enabled the installation of the military dictatorship and its perpetuation for 21 years. Also included are the civil society organizations and businesses targeted by the dictatorship. Here, we consider political repression against workers and unions, which was one of the most targeted groups during the dictatorship. This theme presents the actions carried out by student movement in universities and high schools during the military dictatorship.

It encompasses mobilizations and student protests in the struggle against dictatorship, as well as the conservative education policy and violations of human rights that the State committed in universities and the education sector more broadly. This section relates to the role of the Catholic Church during the military regime, spanning from resistance to the dictatorship on the part of priests, bishops, Catholic youth movements, and neighborhoods to the collaboration of conservative sectors of the Church with the coup.

It also deals with the political repression and human rights violations against lay workers, priests, and Catholic activists. This theme describes the processes behind the political-cultural articulation of black resistance to the dictatorship. It also covers the specific characteristics of political repression and state violence against the black population, its movements, and cultural projects during the military regime. Here, we focus on a range of political and cultural actions critical of the military regime, the various aesthetic languages of resistance to dictatorship, as well as the persecution, censorship, and other restrictions of freedom of speech and political participation that the dictatorship perpetrated.

In that same line of thought, this section also includes initiatives to memorialize the political and social violence of the dictatorship that was carried out during the period after the regime, during the political transition, and after democracy normalized. This theme discusses the redefinition of urban space that occurred due to public policies prioritizing elitist and segregationist housing that were implemented in Rio de Janeiro favelas under the military regime.

It involves the mass forced displacements as well as other forms of violence intended to prevent the mobilization and social-political organization of favela residents. In this section we present mechanisms of resistance of the LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, and transsexual population during the dictatorship and show the specific acts of discrimination and repression that the regime launched against this part of the population. This category focuses on the forms of gendered violence practiced by state agents during the military dictatorship.

It is one of a series of products that seek to strengthen the reconstruction and promotion of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as to provide symbolic reparation to those affected by political violence in the state of Rio de Janeiro. This initiative aims to address a key aspect of the military regime that ruled Brazil between the relationships between the violence of a complex repressive mechanism and the many forms of resistance that reacted to the dictatorship.

For this reason, spaces identified in Rio de Janeiro cities and rural areas are the object of study and guiding thread of this project. Though there were broader structures, actors, processes, and context on a regional, national, and international scale , these sites are considered unique and indispensable vessels for understanding the history and memory of repression and resistance from this period.

The reader has in their hands a collective, multi-authored work. Each participant had a distinct perspective, topic of interest, and style in the way they approached the chosen themes and spaces. The lack of sameness did not, however, prevent participants from sharing in the special-temporal premise that grounds the project, the pattern that guides the texts, and, above all, the core goal that drove the initiative: to offer the reader a narrative about what happened in the spaces in question, supported by historical knowledge about the past and the memories of witnesses who lived through the period.

Based on the assumption that historical study historiographical knowledge, as we understand it and memory are complimentary and indispensable. Focused on public space and made for the general public, and under the aegis of human rights and democracy, this memorial process begins to make visible the demands of persecuted and victimized groups.

It also begins to make available knowledge about a history that, to a large extent, remains forgotten, ignored, silenced, hidden, and even denied by the State and civil society. The question of memory about repression during the military dictatorship does not assume the existence of a single memory, but instead of a plurality of memories. This plurality, in the slow and ongoing political process of settling the score with the violent past, involves a varied range of social, institutional, and state actors.

Their dynamic implies that some memories try to impose themselves over others in a hegemonic way, even though all memories, through their very historicity, suffer changes. These changes are inherent to processes of remembering, forgetting, and silencing that occur according to national and international shifts in context political, legal, ideological, and cultural and in the power relations between key actors. Still, the plurality of existing memories about the dictatorship does not erase the fact that the original conflict that has persisted to this day — supported by subjective experiences, lived and communicated — results in an opposition between the accounts and interpretations of associations of the family of dead and disappeared political prisoners, human rights organizations, and social movements on the one hand and, on the other, those of the military and its civilian allies.

The origin of the trauma, absence, and shortfalls in the process of memorializing the past of political violence dates back to the period of the military dictatorship. Its most important characteristics and consequences remained during the political transition to democracy and continue to project themselves, to varying degrees, into the normalization of institutional democracy in the s.

This redemptive narrative would then be repeated and celebrated in army barracks and in yearly official ceremonies. It would also continue to be commemorated in barracks until and, in military clubs, through the present day. These measures grew in intensity and fed into the narrative of a Strong Brazil with the effects of official propaganda, which were revamped as patriotic, moralistic, and anti-subversive.

Despite this, groups made up of the families of political prisoners and the disappeared began to demand information from the authorities about the conditions and whereabouts of their relatives as early as At the same time, they would seek out channels to expose crimes committed by the regime. One can see this in various situations and places included in this collection. Meanwhile, groups of exiled Brazilians abroad and transnational networks of activists for human rights organized reports and lobbied for international recognition of arbitrary imprisonment, systematic torture, killings, and disappearances.

In both political contexts, the memory of the groups affected by repression would appear in a varied range of practices and representational forms. The negative memory of political violence never achieved widespread circulation in Brazilian society. The actors carrying that memory were unable to hold the State accountable for the demands they had made. They remained isolated, socially and politically.

These groups prioritized other demands, both old and new, which had been suspended until that point. This strategy created the Amnesty Law, and its dominant interpretation is the most powerful barrier blocking social and historical memory about the dictatorship.

And it was through this new legal-political-ideological mechanism that the guarantee of immunity for the Armed Forces was extracted. The State used this mechanism to plaster with forgetting impunity, concealment, silence, and lies the arbitrary detentions, the torture, the secret military courts operating beyond the rule of law, the killings, and the forced disappearances perpetrated by its agents. It did so in such a way that it could regularly refuse demands made by relatives of the dead and disappeared, former political prisoners, and human rights organizations for the investigation into the facts and the circumstances of what happened, public recognition of what had taken place, reparations for the victims, memorializing measures, and holding the repressive agents criminally responsible.

It is not surprising, given this context, that the government would block any consistent policy or mechanism for transitional justice. Decades would have to pass for the extremely long amnesic phase would show any signs of change.

The first significant step took place during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in After discreet negotiations with the military took place about the thorny topic of dictatorship repression and emphatic assurances that amnesty was not being questioned, the Brazilian State assumed, for the first time, responsibility for the deaths of disappeared political opposition — without investigating the circumstances of those deaths or naming the responsible parties, individual or institutional.

It also guaranteed death certificates for the families — even though the families bore the burden of proof — and monetary reparations which the majority of families had not demanded. There was a marked privatized slant and the clear goal of impeding any public debate about the topic in society. In , in the name of national reconciliation and commitment to close the question of the past at once, the Amnesty Commission was established for the politically persecuted. These advances tied into the linchpin of reparations and its connections with truth and memory.

The result was a complex and contradictory political dynamic driven by four independent forces: the diverse political initiatives taken by the government; the mobilization around demands for memory, truth, and justice, upheld by human rights organizations, social movements, and other collectives; the fledgling process of judicialization, domestically and internationally, in relation to the amnesty law and the right to truth and justice that victims of repression hold this was expressed most clearly in , with the contrasting decisions stated by the Federal Supreme Court STF and the International Court of Human Rights CIDH ; and finally, the reactions, opposition, and negotiations between the Armed Forces and the government at distinct critical moments.

At the same time, in an indirect and contained way, this accumulation of information threw into question legalized impunity. In fact, what one saw was an unprecedented un-amnesic phase developing throughout the political landscape in relation to the military dictatorship. What made this possible was, on the one hand, favorable political conditions on a domestic level, in which a sector of the governmental elite found rapid support and action from long-time actors and new social collectives that had persisted in the struggle not to let the dictatorial past be forgotten.

On the other, a favorable Latin American and global context legalized and legitimized applying international human rights paradigms to the treatment of the recent violent past. This broader context not only circulated mechanisms of transitional justice but also spread the value for traumatic memory for these types of injustices. It is in this general framework, and in a situation where a sentence condemning the Brazilian state by the CIDH seemed inevitable, that the novel National Truth Commission entered the political scene.

Passed by law in Congress in November along with an absolutely necessary Freedom of Information Act, the CNV was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and interconnected decisions that involved the government, the Armed Forces, human rights organizations, the STF, and leadership from major political parties. It had broad investigative powers and its primary objectives were to bring to light grave human rights violations perpetrated by the state of exception, recommend preventative measures to prevent the repetition of this kind of regime and to achieve national reconciliation, and to promote the reconstruction of a historical interpretation of the period based on these violations and with an emphasis on the victims.

Once established and operating, the CNV quickly became the impetus for an expansive and unprecedented wave in Brazil, inspiring state and group-specific truth commissions; countless forums for public debate; the multiplying of depositions and testimonies; sensitivity in younger generations; new public and private archives; broad coverage in mass media and spillover onto social media; intensified production on the period in academia and investigative journalism; diverse artistic expressions; and, without a doubt, the most intense moment in the dispute over memory regarding the meaning, knowledge, and interpretations of the military regime, in addition to tributes, monuments, and campaigns to establish museums and sites of memory and education about human rights in various Brazilian cities.

In sum, the CNV inscribed into the memorial process about the military dictatorship a stimulus, acceleration, and breadth of unprecedented activities tied to diverse groups and actors. The height of this action was between March and April , the symbolic moment marking 50 years after the military coup. The CNV crafted a general narrative about the historical experience of the military dictatorship, centered on the question of grave human rights violations committed by the State, as is shown in the Final Report and the 29 recommendations that accompany it, presented to Dilma Rousseff in December It includes the names of the victims who were killed as well as those responsible for the crimes, and recommends opening investigations and court trials.

However, the expanding un-amnesiac phase came abruptly to a close in the extreme two-pronged political and economic crisis that Brazil suffered after the presidential elections — a crisis that, since that time, has not ceased to deepen.

The lasting nature of the crisis, permanent uncertainty in the present moment, and the destructive impact of the crisis in diverse contexts political-institutional, economic, social, cultural, ethical generated amnesia about the recent past along with the rapid dissolution of expectations about the future. In terms of reparation, truth, and memorialization, these effects sharpened under the Temer administration, even before the turbulent impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff had come to a close.

Many previous advances were interrupted, cleared out, dismantled. In any case, the current framework shows the fragility of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as the prevailing weight of the barriers, restrictions, and opposition that appeared throughout the process of transitional justice.

There is no dearth of research in history and the social sciences that shows the strong propensity for silence, lack of awareness, and indifference amongst vast swaths of the population in relation to the political past, and specifically, to the recent political past and the military dictatorship.

Above all, this refers to the strategies not explicitly laid out during the period of political transition that have largely persisted for the nearly thirty years of normalizing democratic institutions, not including the important changes in policy, though cut short and precarious, introduced in the last phase of transitional justice.

And when it has, that treatment has been slow, truncated, and unequal. It is for this reason that the challenge of making this project an informal pedagogical tool for awareness and memory of political violence in the past is even more relevant. It is in this context of intense crisis, in a turbulent pre-election political, legal, and media moment that this book arises. We can also not limit ourselves to a simplified version of the power structures and relationships of the dictatorship in which a single dominant pole is strictly limited to the military and the repressive apparatus while a second pole of resistance consists of a homogenous block of political opposition or armed resistance.

On the contrary, the goal of this project is to consider the complex interconnectedness of domination, violence, and resistance by delving into historical landmarks in a comprehensive way, noting changing power relations and the different interpretations and perspectives of various actors from both inside and outside the State.

The last dictatorship was not a government that sustained itself purely on coercion — and, in the same way, the government was not the only entity that carried out violence, nor was political opposition the only target. Resistance did not wear thin during the open conflict between actions and discourses of the most visible actors political parties, unions, social movements, civil society organizations, and underground leftist organizations.

And that violence definitely should not be viewed as infrequent or as a deviation from the norm, as it was inherent to this form of political and social domination. In other words, violence was necessarily tied to the economic, social, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural dimensions of dictatorial order, conditioning and deeply affecting these components of the regime to varying degrees.

It would be reformulated into its most intense phase after the Fifth Institutional Act AI-5 and come to be all pervasive, centralized, selective, clandestine, and effective. The violence of the regime affected countless victims through different means physical coercion, purges in the workplace, exile, fear of being tipped off, etc. State violence and its technological mechanisms for wielding power over the body, specifically against members of armed resistance groups, reached sophisticated levels of cruelty and barbarity.

The dictatorship practiced kidnapping, systematic torture, sexual abuse, execution, dismemberment, disappearance, and hid bodily remains. But the repressive structure that cracked down on leftist activists had consequences that deeply affected society as a whole. This would be the combined effect of disseminating fear of physical coercion and persecution, of censorship and self-censorship in the press, symbolic violence, and official propaganda.

The true face of the military regime consisted of the denial of politics, the perversion of legal sense and rights, and a culture of violence and arbitrary acts made banal by the dictatorship. It was a new version of the old matrix of political and social Brazilian authoritarianism.

However, even as the military dictatorship would come to administer repression in a more contained and selective fashion in its final chapter, it never lost the violent, arbitrary, and authoritarian qualities that permeated its institutional mechanisms and practices.

But that does not mean that the dictatorship managed to impede the emergence of different forms of resistance and dissidence over the course of its rule. That existed in different contexts and environments, as alluded to in many different spaces in this project. The consequences and impacts of institutionalized violence, however, did not end with the transition to democracy. These are the individuals who form the heart of current struggles for reparations, memory, truth, and justice.

On the other hand, an indeterminate number of unknown victims — individuals and social groups not connected with political opposition to the regime indigenous peoples, peasants, traditional communities, people of color from impoverished peripheral areas, the LGBT community, etc. Even so, it is worth mentioning that one should not measure the violent character of a dictatorship based on the number of lethal victims or persecuted people that its repressive apparatus produced.

In addition to the question of victims, there are still direct legacies of the dictatorship on a constitutional and legislative level, visible remnants that linger in State institutions, administrative structures, and public policy — as well as in the imaginaries, discourses, and social action at the heart of the State and civil society. These crimes take place in the normative-institutional framework of democracy, under different foreign and domestic historical conditions, and with a social profile that defines new victims young people, the majority of them black and poor.

For this reason, the final reports of both the CNV and the CEV-Rio propose a set of recommendations that call attention to the urgent need for institutional measures and reforms, constitutional and legal, in addition to specific public policy and independent social initiatives in varied e-contexts.

This is the way to settle scores with the violent injustice of both the past and the present in terms of reparation, memory, truth, and justice. This project has as its starting point the idea of a place or a site as the territorial location of a specific point in space, represented on a map as coordinates and precise references that, on a small scale, carry the very characteristics of materiality and concreteness.

However, we do not fully break away from the distinction between space and place in the sense of an opposition between something global versus something local , nor that between space and time, which necessarily involves prioritizing one concept over the other.

Still, the physical medium of place is social, steeped in subjective temporality and immateriality. Symbolic appropriations, experiences, and the material side of human action that took place in a site in specific contexts host many layers of meaning that end up forming a place filled with memories and histories. Others — the ones that were sites for protests, social and political struggle, meeting and communication that restored politics as a part of freedom of speech and action in public space — question the lawful and the illegal dimensions of dictatorship order.

All of these sites carry the history of the facts that took place there and conflicted memories that condense and materialize in space — memories that, forgotten or ignored by large swaths of the population today, still contain the traces and vestiges of feeling, meaning, and truths experienced by the protagonists of the conflicts and witnesses. That is why organizations and social collectives fight to establish memory markers in physical space, whether as part of their own initiatives or as part of demands by state institutions.

It is for the permanent resident or visitor of the areas contemplated, whose routines, schedules, and everyday movements pivot on these invisible places. And we do this through the conjunction and dialogue between text, maps and the floor plans of some centers of repression , and photographs, specific to each site, and related to territorial, temporal, and thematic aspects of space.

To this end, bibliographic, archival, oral and iconographic history research was conducted both to identify the places that would be included and to build the first drafts of the texts for countless sites. The creation of maps and selection of images was carried out in relation to the state of Rio de Janeiro covering six of eight regions and cities of each of the chosen areas.

In the same way, the project drew on oral history archives and witness testimony that truth commissions CNV, CEV-Rio, and municipal truth commissions gave to the initiative or on the transcriptions of interviews that the researchers on this team carried out. Finally, we should note that the selected detention sites and places where action and repression took place, as well as the sites related to resistance movements in their many forms, are not exhaustive. The city of Rio de Janeiro was, on a national level, one of the areas in which state violence was most heavily exercised and has large numbers of victims and persecuted people including those who came from other states.

It was also a space where many kinds of resistance and social, political, and cultural movements acted against the dictatorship. Many memories and histories are yet to be discovered and told, a vast archive of documents and testimonies to be researched, which would allow us to learn about and spread awareness for the different meanings of a past that continues in the present.

Brazil today does not run the risk of having a saturated memory, literally fixed in the past, with the possibility of falling into the abuse of memorialism. On the contrary: the real danger is to continue in the excessive forgetting of violent pasts, in an obstinate refusal to consider structures of domination, inequality, discrimination, exclusion, invisibility, and insignificance of the everyday violence affecting the victims of the present.

It is against the heavy legacy of forgetting that we affirm here the always unfinished, fragmented, and open work of building memory and awareness of history and how it steps into the present. Facing the political and social violence of the recent dictatorial past and coping with it is essential, even if it is not a total guarantee that similar or even worse scenarios will not occur in the future.

Memories of past injustice, just as they have advanced, can also revert or even disappear depending on the historical circumstances and the struggles of those who do not forget and refuse to let the injustice be forgotten. Still, movements for social memory are unforeseeable, as Brazil and many other cases around the world show.

Acesso em: 2 set. Los Trabajos de la Memoria. El Estado y la memoria : gobiernos y ciudadanos frente a los traumas de la historia. Santiago: Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos, In: International Center for Transitional Justice. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, Las luchas del pasado.

Brasil , em novembro de Domination and the Art of Resistances. Nova Haven: Yale University Press, O que resta da ditadura. Informe Paris: Gallimard, Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, The Central Army Hospital HCE was an important component of the repressive structure mounted by the military dictatorship in the state of Rio de Janeiro.

The space served to rehabilitate political prisoners who had been tortured in other official or clandestine facilities and to forge expert reports for victims killed by agents of the State. The locale is still associated with the assassination and forced disappearance of activists who opposed the dictatorship.

The Central Army Hospital was founded in through a decree signed by Marshal Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca , replacing the old Military Hospital that had stood in an old mansion in Morro do Castelo since If you say that something is true by all accounts or from all accounts, you believe it is true because other people say so. He is, by all accounts, a superb teacher. If you're responsible for your own actions, you are accountable for them. Grow up and be accountable! Be accountable. Prestar conta.

Acknowledge means to show gratitude, or to accept or admit that it is true. Acknowledge receipt of [sth] means to confirm you have received [sth] that was sent. I acknowledge the receipt of your replies to the questionnaire. An action is a thing that is done, and not merely thought or spoken about. Possible actions could range from blinking to invading a country. Actions speak louder than words is used when you want to show that people's intentions can be judged better by what they do than what they say.

Activity is something you do. Now we are going to have a group activity. The first man. According to the Book of Genesis, Adam was created by God as the progenitor of the human race and lived with Eve in the Garden of Eden. Not know someone from Adam means to be unable to recognize the person in question.

I would not known him from Adam. See rowdy. A day late, a dollar short means you just missed being successful. Add insult to injury means to exacerbate an already problematic situation in a way that is humiliating; to further a loss with mockery or indignity; to worsen an unfavorable situation. First, the basement flooded, and then, to add insult to injury, a pipe burst in the kitchen. I was already late for work and, to add insult to injury, I spilled coffee all over myself.

Address means to speak to a person or an assembly. Yes, I am addressing you. Ado means fuss. When someone makes a lot of ado about certain things, it is because this person has a tendency to make things more complicated than they need to be.

Much ado about nothing. Note: You can say, Why are you making such a fuss? See kerfuffle. Adult education. Educational programs or courses for adults who are out of school or college. I finished an adult education program. Fiz supletivo. See tutor. Everyone was surprised that Janice led the meeting with confidence, as she normally seems afraid of her own shadow. To bring grief or trouble to, to grieve, distress; to oppress, treat unfairly. Frequently in pass.

I felt aggrieved at this sort of thing. Me senti lesado com isso. See scatterbrain. Something that's aglow is gleaming with light. You might sit outside at night to see the full moon, aglow in the dark sky. His face was all aglow with excitement. Ahoy is something that people in boats shout in order to attract attention.

Ship ahoy! Air is lit. There is something in the air. This talk about you becoming millionaire is just hot air. Air one's dirty laundry in public means to discuss very private, personal matters, especially that which may be embarrassing, in public or with other people. They are going to air their dirty laundry in public.

Airplane is 1. Vou fazer um voo de teco-teco. Many times, airplane is written simply as plane. The plane took a nosedive. Once my plane went into a spiral dive. The adjective ajar describes something that is slightly open. The door stood ajar.

A porta estava meio aberta. As adverb, ajar means in contradiction to or at variance with. A story ajar with the facts. With arms akimbo. Alas means regrettably, unfortunately, unluckily. I meant to finish my assignment last night, but Alas, for the irony of fate, my favorite television show wound up getting my undivided attention instead.

Ai de mim! Ale is a malt beverage, darker, heavier, and bitter than beer, containing about 6 percent alcohol by volume. Alienate can mean 1. When you alienate people, you make them stop liking or caring about you.

By refusing to get a job, he has alienated his entire family. Dissociate emotionally. To transfer or convey, as title, property, or other right, to another. My car is still alienated. Alive and kicking means active and healthy. A: "How are you doing after your surgery? Early marines hugged the coastlines because their navigational instruments were too crude and inaccurate. But often they were blown far out to sea where they had no landmarks to guide them.

Thus, all at sea means puzzled, perplexed, or completely confused about a subject or some task at hand. I tried to do well in this class, but I've been all at sea since we started. All chiefs and no Indians means too many bosses who want to do nothing, but give order to others.

Nobody works. All ears that means you are listening attentively. Sou todo ouvidos. Allegiance means the loyalty of a citizen to his or her government or of a subject to his or her sovereign. He pledged allegiance to the flag. All-encompassing means broad in scope or content; all-embracing. The roof of the Hotel Pennsylvania afforded an all-encompassing view of the site.

Alley is 1. I was walking down the alley and I saw an alley cat coming from the cul-de-sac. Yes, it turned out to be a blind alley. So I came back too and found the Gym. I went to play basketball and managed to pull off an alley-oop. Eu fui jogar basquete e consegui fazer uma enterrada. Man, this is right down my alley! Puxa, isso tem tudo a ver comigo. All Souls' Day. A festival in some Christian churches with prayers for the souls of the dead, held on November 2.

What is All Souls' Day? Afflicted soul. Alma penada. All Quiet on the Western Front means that a situation or activity that is normally very busy is quiet at the present time. How are things coming along?

Well, all is quiet on the western front. Bem, estamos sem novidades no front. All-Terrain Vehicle is a small open motor vehicle with one or two seats and three or more wheels fitted with large tires, designed for use on rough ground. Bope Special Police Operations Battalion are now using an all-terrain vehicle in their daily operations.

Of, relating to, or designating a restaurant meal at which one may eat an unlimited amount of food usually from a buffet , typically for a fixed price. Here is all-you-can- eat. See rotate. See alternate-day travel. Almost means nearly, roughly.

Falta pouco para irmos agora. Alternate-day travel is the day you are allowed legally to drive your car. This is normally done to reduce traffic jam and pollution. See all-you-can. Always means at all times, on every occasion. Always be nice to the people on your way up — you may meet them on your way down. Ambulance chaser. A lawyer who tries to get work by persuading someone who has been in an accident to claim money from the person or company responsible for the accident.

An ambulance chaser contacted her the day she was injured and he persuaded her to sue the city council for negligence. A landmass in the western hemisphere that consists of the continents of North and South America joined by the Isthmus of Panama. Son, this is America and in America, you can do whatever you want and be whatever you want. So when I hear your question, what can student government not do, my answer is nothing.

We can do anything that we so choose. Not quite right; inappropriate or out of place. His instinct warned him something was amiss. See fishy. I spoke amiss. Falei mal. I ended up taking it amiss. Isso me deixou ressentido. An amnesty is an official pardon granted to a group of prisoners by the state. He was granted amnesty.

Ele foi anistiado. When a doctor or other trained person anesthetizes a patient, they make the patient unconscious or unable to feel pain by giving them an anesthetic. He was anesthetized. Ele foi anestesiado. Animal is a male who acts like a beast in terms of manners, cleanliness, or sexual aggressiveness. Stop picking your nose, animal. Pare de cutucar seu nariz, seu animal! Note: we have the habit of using animal names for articles that performa a service: 1.

Donkey boiler. Donkey engine. Cavalete de serrar. Monkey wrench. Chave inglesa. Ankle bracelet is an ankle monitor, i. Judges sometimes order house arrest, also known as residential confinement, as an alternative to jail or as a condition of parole or probation. For that the prisioner must wear an electronic ankle bracelet. Para isso o preso tem de usar uma tornozeleira. Ankyloglossia means tongue-tied. He is tongue-tied. Ante in poker , the ante is the money each player puts in the pot before the hand begins.

The two most common expressions are, Ante up! The other is up the ante, which means to raise the stakes or make something either more risky or more desirable. John wants to up the ante. Ant killer is 1. Ant killer is fig.

An answer is a response to a question, problem, or need. He has answered for his crimes. Ele pagou pelos seus crimes. He has a lot to answer for. No answer is also an answer. Any day means at any time or under any circumstances used to express a strong opinion or preference. I'd rather live in a shack in the woods than a penthouse in the big city, any day.

Prefiro viver em um casebre na floresta do que uma cobertura na cidade grande, sem pestanejar sem pensar duas vezes. In good order or condition; all right. Everything is A-ok. The doctor says I'm A-OK now, that there's absolutely nothing wrong with me. Aping means copying, as in "monkey see, monkey do. He means it. He got to a point of aping my style so much that even frightens me.

I once decided to purchase deliberately a secondhand car. Guess what? A week later, he had bought one for himself also. Appeal means to apply to a higher court for a reversal of the decision of a lower court. He said he would appeal against the conviction. On appeal. Mediante recurso jur. Appellate Judge or appellate court judges do not re-try cases, and they do not hear new evidence.

Rather, they review decisions made by the trial court. They are usually limited to reviewing only the arguments that were made in the trial court and raised by the parties. Appearances means outward impressions, indications, or circumstances. Appearances are deceptive. Appease means to satisfy, allay, or relieve; assuage. I appeased my hunger. Matei a fome. See skip. See quench. Appendicitis is a painful medical condition caused by a swollen appendix.

To keep the appendix from bursting, doctors often perform surgery to remove the appendix of patients who have appendicitis. I was operated on for appendicitis in Hamburg. Eu fui operado de apendicite em Hamburgo. Applause is any type of approval or praise expressed by clapping. They gave him a round of applause. Eles deram uma salva de palmas. Apple is a round fruit with smooth red, yellow, or green skin and firm white flesh.

The apple doesn't fall far from the tree means that a child usually has a similar character or similar qualities to his or her parents. His son soon showed his own musical talent, proving that the apple doesn't fall far from the tree! Do not mix apples and oranges. See oak gall. Appoint means to name or assign to a position, an office, or the like; designate. He was appointed to the bench.

Ele foi nomedo juiz. He was appointed ambassador to Portugal. Ele foi nomeado embaixador em Portugal. Argot is the jargon or slang of a particular group or class. Any specialized practice can create an argot: boxers talk of bodyshots and jabs, just as grammar teachers complain of split infinitives and dangling participles.

Arrears means the state of being behind or late, especially in the fulfillment of a duty, promise, obligation, or the like. He has fallen in arrears with his rent. Seize someone by legal authority and take into custody. For resisting arrest.

Arrow is a weapon consisting of a thin, straight stick with a sharp point, designed to be shot from a bow. Archery is about shooting arrows into targets. What gives? Tiro com arco tem a a ver com atirar flechas em alvos.

My parentes do not understand how profound this is so they keep tormentig me. I feel as if I were struck by an arrow fired from Cupid's bow. I fell in love with the sport. Me sinto como se tivesse sido flechado pelo arco do Cupido. Eu me apaixonei pelo esporte. Artistic licence is a colloquial term, sometimes euphemism, used to denote the distortion of fact, alteration of the conventions of grammar or language, or rewording of pre-existing text made by an artist to improve a piece of art.

Ashamed is when you know you have done something you shouldn't have. You feel embarrassed or remorseful. Don't be ashamed of your unusual dance moves — you were the life of the party! Our politicians should be ashamed of themselves. On land as opposed to at sea. The sea washed the boat ashore. As it is means as it turns out or as things stand. Use any of the expressions to contrast between a likely situation and one that may ended up happening.

I want to work at home on a Tuesday, but as it turns out sometimes, it's a Wednesday or a Thursday. Ask means to invite someone. If you ask someone something, you say something to them in the form of a question because you want to know the answer. Ask and you will find out! Ask and it will be given to you; seek and you will find; knock and the door will be opened to you.

Hey ask her how things are coming along. Ask after means to inquire about the health or well-being of someone. He greeted us warmly and asked after you. Askance means to look at or think about someone or something with doubt, disapproval or no trust. They looked askance at our scruffy clothes. Eles olharam desconfiados para nossa roupa desalinhada. What do you mean? Ass is 1. In slang, an ass is a jerk or an idiot. See asshole. A stupid, irritating, or contemptible person.

Her boyfriend is a real asshole. What is the difference between being a jerk and an asshole? The asshole is the nasty or mean one. The jerk, on the other hand, is the eccentric, unprepossessing, selfish or the moron. A jerk won't tell you about the broken foot in your chair. An asshole would break the foot in your chair. See jerk. Assault and battery is not a single crime. Assault is the act that leads a person to think he is in imminent danger of attack.

Battery is the actual attack. One can take place without the other. If someone aims a loaded gun at another and does not fire, this person is guilty of assault. Thus, being innocent of battery. See batter. You may rest assured. Pode ficar descansado fig. Away from the correct path or direction. John was a good boy. Now, he went astray and started using drugs. ATM is an abbreviation for automated teller machine, which is a machine that dispenses cash or performs other banking services when an account holder inserts a bank card.

I was short on dough. So I withdrew some money at the ATM. Estava precisando de dinheiro. Attend means to be present at. He attended the meeting. Yesterday, I met an old man who attended literacy class in Ontem, conheci um Senhor que fez o Mobral em Audience has to do with a formal interview with a person in authority. Augean is 1. In the mythology, Augean stables were stables, not cleaned for 30 years, where King Augeas kept oxen. Hercules diverted the River Alpheus through them and cleaned them in a day.

Look at this kitchen? Am I the one to cleanse the Augean stable today? It also means something difficult or unpleasant. For therapy, John mows lawns in his ruined neighborhood, cleans up trash: Augean chores for sure, but they help him grasp at normalcy. Augean chores. Auger in means to pay close attention or direct one's energy; concentrate or focus. Let's auger in on the highest priorities. Vamos focar no que importa. If you have the authority to do something, you have the right or power to do it.

You are the big cheese. Or, if you know more about a topic than most, you are an authority on that topic. By what authority? Com que autoridade? Avail means to be of use; have force or efficacy; serve; help. He availed himself of the opportunity. Ele aproveitou a oportunidade. I hope you avail yourself of my advice. Espero que aproveite o meu conselho. He did all this to no avail. Avatar is an incarnation, embodiment, or manifestation of a person or idea. He chose John Stuart Mill as the avatar of the liberal view.

Ele escolheu John Stuart Mill como o avatar do pensamento liberal. Awl is a tool with a long, sharp end that makes it just the thing for punching extra holes in all your leather belts when you lose weight. I want to buy a hammer, a pair of pliers, some nails, and an awl. Anything else? Eu quero comprar um martelo, um alicate, alguns pregos, e uma sovela. Mais alguma coisa? Awareness means a state or condition of being aware; having knowledge; consciousness. National Day of Black Awareness.

Awe is an overwhelming feeling of wonder or admiration. I went to Las Vegas and decided to stretch a bit and visit the Grand Canyon. As I looked at the landscape I was in awe! Fui a Las Vegas e decidi esticar um pouco e visitar o Grand Canyon. Enquanto eu olhava a paisagem, fiquei boquiaberto! Awesome means something or someone is amazing, breathtaking, or overwhelming.

I am going to travel the globe in a hot air balloon. How awesome! Que massa! Show de bola! Ax to grind means a selfish motive, in other words, to have a self-serving reason for doing or being involved in something. She joined the board because she had an ax to grind with the school system. Axis is a straight line. Do you remember the X-axis and the Y-axis of the Cartesian coordinate system?

Perhaps, the most famous axis is the one the earth spins around, giving us the hour day. O eixo. Bbb Back. Your back is your spine, or the rear part of your whole body. When you lie on the grass on your back, you can watch the clouds in the sky above you. We will have to go back to the drawing board. Back on your feet means healthy again. My boss has been on my back to finish that report all morning. O medico disse que ele vai estar a todo vapor em breve. See steam. Back at the ranch is an exclamation useful when the conversation is going off tangent.

Backdoor gives the idea of something secret; furtive; illicit; indirect. He entered at the back door. Ele entrou pela porta dos fundos. Backer is a person who supports or aids a person, cause, enterprise, etc. If a plan or idea backfires, it has the opposite effect to the one that you wanted. It backfired. Now voters are demanding that he resign. O tiro saiu pela culatra. Agora o povo quer que ele se demita. Back number is something that is out of date or out of fashion or even an old-fashioned person.

Some old back number wearing gaiters wants to have a word with you. Tem um cara da velha guarda usando polainas esperando para falar contigo. Backroom deal means a deal made in secrecy. These are backroom deals. The action or practice of criticizing someone in a treacherous manner while feigning friendship. He accused his boss of dirty tricks and backstabbing.

Ele acusou seu chefe de sacanagem e punhaladas pelas costas. Backtalk is to give a sausy or insolente retort. Don't give me any back talk! Back teeth are floating is an expression used to convey the idea that somebody has to pee so bad that the urine has filled their whole body all the way up to the back of the mouth and makes the back teeth float in urine. I have to take a piss so bad that my back teeth are floating. Estou estourando.

See tinkle. When something is not good, it's bad. Things look pretty bad. See bleak. I feel bad means that you are unhappy about something or your health is impaired. I feel so bad. The phrase I feel badly means that you lost your sense of touch. After developing leprosy, he has a severe numbness of the skin. He feels badly. Bad news is someone or something that is regarded as unpleasant, unlucky, or undesirable. She knows he's bad news.

Badge of honor lit. Medalha de honra. A mark or expression of pride. The guy punched me, and I knocked him down. Now this scar on my face is my badge of honor. O cara me deu um soco e eu acabei com ele. A purse. A loose fold of skin under a person's eye. The bags under his eyes gave him a sad appearance. You see people fishing. And you tell me, well, I can see lunch is in the bag! You must be joking if you think I'm going on a date with that bag.

See dog. Rocha Loures is a former Congressman and close Temer aide who allegedly acted as bagman for the bribery transactions. Bail is property or money given as surety that a person released from custody will return at an appointed time.

He is out on bail. Bailement is an act of delivering goods to a bailee for a particular purpose, without transfer of ownership. A bailment contract is a loan contract. This arrangement is for the sole benefit of the borrower like when I let you used one of my vehicles, but without charge. When you hold a yard sale, place your best stuff closest to the sidewalk — to serve as bait.

Bait can be anything from the worms that hide a hook to a stereo that tempts shoppers to stop and browse. Fish or cut bait. Ou vai ou racha. Always round, often bouncy, a ball is a vital part of many games and sports, from soccer to ping pong. On the ball means that someone understands the situation well.

Talk to John. He is on the ball. I got hit in the face with a soccer ball. Levei uma bolada na cara. See kettle of fish. See horse of another color. You gotta have balls. Ai que ter culhones. Ball-bearing cart is a cart that uses bearing between a wheel and a fixed axle, in which the rotating part and the stationary part are separated by a ring of small solid metal balls that reduce friction. A fidget spinner spins in a ball-bearing cart sliding down Shillong slopes.

Ballboy is someone who retrieves foul balls and brings the umpire new balls during the game. A ballboy was attacked by Adelaide United defender Michael Marrone for not giving him the ball straight away. Banana tree is the tropical and subtropical palmlike plant that bears bananas.

I, myself, planted this banana tree. Eu mesmo plantei essa bananeira. See handstand. A bandwagon is a trend that is so cool everyone wants to get in on it. Everybody was doing it, so I decided I'd hop on the bandwagon too. Bane is the noun bane refers to anything that is a cause of harm, ruin, or death. But we often use it for things that aren't that bad, just feel like it. That car is always breaking down! Bang is an explosion.

A bang is a loud noise, like a door slamming or something heavy being dropped on a wood floor. Hearing a bang outside your house at night might make your dog start barking. With a bang means impressively or spectacularly. End your speech with a bang. Banish means to get rid of someone.

They banished three ex-directors. Bare means lack of expected or usual coverings, furnishings, or embellishments. You sent them back to their homes, which you had stripped bare of all comforts. Bark is 1. A bark is the loud, sharp sound a dog makes. Bark up the wrong tree means to promote or follow a mistaken course of action as in doing research.

I guess we are barking up the wrong tree. Acho que estamos perdendo tempo. Hey, you are barking up the worng tree. There is no sense in barking — either you bite or shut up! Barely means scarcely, hardly. Just barely. A duras penas. I barely know him. Barren implies that the land is unproductive. Drive through a forest that's just been destroyed by a fire, and you'll get an idea of what barren means — stripped of vegetation and devoid of life.

See wilderness. Unless there should be, excepting. Example: 1. Barring accidents, I will be there. Exceto se houver um acidente, eu irei. Barring death, I will be there. No holds barred means without any restrictions. The expression comes from wrestling holds where certain types of grappling are not allowed. Telephone companies are entering the market for Internet users with no holds barred.

Bask is to enjoy a pleasant situation. He is basking in the attention. A basket is a container made of woven straw or other material. You might keep your dirty clothes in a plastic laundry basket. Don't put all your eggs in one basket means do not put all your resources in one possibility. My recommendation regarding your investment is do not put all your eggs in one basket.

See hatch. In an anxious, worried, nervous or excited way. We waited for the results with bated breath. We faced some setbacks that bated our hopes. Encaramos alguns contratempos que nos desanimaram. Batter is one of those words with many meanings that seem entirely unrelated to each other. You can batter by hitting again and again, but there's also a batter in baseball — the guy who's holding a bat and waiting for the pitcher to throw the ball.

Yet another meaning is the batter you mix up when you're making muffins, using eggs, flour, milk, and sugar. They all come from the same Latin root word, battuere, "to beat or strike. See assault. Battle cry is a slogan or a yell intended to rally a group of soldiers in battle. Bawl somebody out means to tell someone angrily that something they have done is wrong. I went to talk to him this morning and he bawled me out.

See tongue-lashing. See chew. A bay is an inlet along the shoreline of a body of water. A bay window occupies a similar inlet in a room. When you keep something such as a disease at bay, you keep it at a distance. When you keep someone "at bay" you hold them off, i.

The dogs held the deer at bay. Os cachorros encurralaram o veado. Bay window is 1. My office has a bay window. Bay window is slang for pounch i. It is very serious health issue to have a bay window belly. Beach wrap is a loose outer garment or piece of material. I like that beach wrap. Gosto daquela canga de praia. A beam is a long board that's used to hold up a roof or doorway. The beams in your kitchen ceiling help support the upstairs floor just above it. Construction of the house has just begun; the workers have just erected the beams.

Low beam. Farol baixo. High beam. Farol alto. Bear is 1. Jane was so excited to see her dad for the first time since his military deployment to Afghanistan that she ran to him, wrapped her arms around him, and gave him a long bear hug. Bear can also mean to put up with. To bear a heavy load. Aguentar uma carga pesada. As pa used to say, it is easy to bear the misfortunes of others.

How does this fact bear on this matter? Does this make sense? Isso procede? Bearskin is tall hat; worn by some British soldiers on ceremonial occasions. John: Have ever seen the guardman at Buckingham palace wearing bearskin hat? Peter: Yes, and I also have seen the French guardman wearing that cylindrical military hat with a brim and a plume or pom-pom called shako. I myself used to wear a busby hat when I played in the Marching band.

Beard the lion in his den means to approach a feared or influential person, especially in order to ask a favor. Estou indo enfrentar a fera. When you walk into a room with your shoulders straight and your head up, people might say you have a noble bearing. Bearing is the way you hold your body, and it often means you hold it well. Get your bearings before you chart your course. Beast can be 1.

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It highlights official sites belonging to the Armed Forces, police, or the judiciary as well as clandestine ones. Also included in this list are spaces in which repressive state action constituted attacks or extreme acts of violence. In that sense, it reveals the military, corporate, and civil bloc that enabled the installation of the military dictatorship and its perpetuation for 21 years.

Also included are the civil society organizations and businesses targeted by the dictatorship. Here, we consider political repression against workers and unions, which was one of the most targeted groups during the dictatorship. This theme presents the actions carried out by student movement in universities and high schools during the military dictatorship.

It encompasses mobilizations and student protests in the struggle against dictatorship, as well as the conservative education policy and violations of human rights that the State committed in universities and the education sector more broadly. This section relates to the role of the Catholic Church during the military regime, spanning from resistance to the dictatorship on the part of priests, bishops, Catholic youth movements, and neighborhoods to the collaboration of conservative sectors of the Church with the coup.

It also deals with the political repression and human rights violations against lay workers, priests, and Catholic activists. This theme describes the processes behind the political-cultural articulation of black resistance to the dictatorship. It also covers the specific characteristics of political repression and state violence against the black population, its movements, and cultural projects during the military regime.

Here, we focus on a range of political and cultural actions critical of the military regime, the various aesthetic languages of resistance to dictatorship, as well as the persecution, censorship, and other restrictions of freedom of speech and political participation that the dictatorship perpetrated. In that same line of thought, this section also includes initiatives to memorialize the political and social violence of the dictatorship that was carried out during the period after the regime, during the political transition, and after democracy normalized.

This theme discusses the redefinition of urban space that occurred due to public policies prioritizing elitist and segregationist housing that were implemented in Rio de Janeiro favelas under the military regime. It involves the mass forced displacements as well as other forms of violence intended to prevent the mobilization and social-political organization of favela residents. In this section we present mechanisms of resistance of the LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, and transsexual population during the dictatorship and show the specific acts of discrimination and repression that the regime launched against this part of the population.

This category focuses on the forms of gendered violence practiced by state agents during the military dictatorship. It is one of a series of products that seek to strengthen the reconstruction and promotion of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as to provide symbolic reparation to those affected by political violence in the state of Rio de Janeiro.

This initiative aims to address a key aspect of the military regime that ruled Brazil between the relationships between the violence of a complex repressive mechanism and the many forms of resistance that reacted to the dictatorship. For this reason, spaces identified in Rio de Janeiro cities and rural areas are the object of study and guiding thread of this project. Though there were broader structures, actors, processes, and context on a regional, national, and international scale , these sites are considered unique and indispensable vessels for understanding the history and memory of repression and resistance from this period.

The reader has in their hands a collective, multi-authored work. Each participant had a distinct perspective, topic of interest, and style in the way they approached the chosen themes and spaces. The lack of sameness did not, however, prevent participants from sharing in the special-temporal premise that grounds the project, the pattern that guides the texts, and, above all, the core goal that drove the initiative: to offer the reader a narrative about what happened in the spaces in question, supported by historical knowledge about the past and the memories of witnesses who lived through the period.

Based on the assumption that historical study historiographical knowledge, as we understand it and memory are complimentary and indispensable. Focused on public space and made for the general public, and under the aegis of human rights and democracy, this memorial process begins to make visible the demands of persecuted and victimized groups.

It also begins to make available knowledge about a history that, to a large extent, remains forgotten, ignored, silenced, hidden, and even denied by the State and civil society. The question of memory about repression during the military dictatorship does not assume the existence of a single memory, but instead of a plurality of memories. This plurality, in the slow and ongoing political process of settling the score with the violent past, involves a varied range of social, institutional, and state actors.

Their dynamic implies that some memories try to impose themselves over others in a hegemonic way, even though all memories, through their very historicity, suffer changes. These changes are inherent to processes of remembering, forgetting, and silencing that occur according to national and international shifts in context political, legal, ideological, and cultural and in the power relations between key actors.

Still, the plurality of existing memories about the dictatorship does not erase the fact that the original conflict that has persisted to this day — supported by subjective experiences, lived and communicated — results in an opposition between the accounts and interpretations of associations of the family of dead and disappeared political prisoners, human rights organizations, and social movements on the one hand and, on the other, those of the military and its civilian allies.

The origin of the trauma, absence, and shortfalls in the process of memorializing the past of political violence dates back to the period of the military dictatorship. Its most important characteristics and consequences remained during the political transition to democracy and continue to project themselves, to varying degrees, into the normalization of institutional democracy in the s. This redemptive narrative would then be repeated and celebrated in army barracks and in yearly official ceremonies.

It would also continue to be commemorated in barracks until and, in military clubs, through the present day. These measures grew in intensity and fed into the narrative of a Strong Brazil with the effects of official propaganda, which were revamped as patriotic, moralistic, and anti-subversive. Despite this, groups made up of the families of political prisoners and the disappeared began to demand information from the authorities about the conditions and whereabouts of their relatives as early as At the same time, they would seek out channels to expose crimes committed by the regime.

One can see this in various situations and places included in this collection. Meanwhile, groups of exiled Brazilians abroad and transnational networks of activists for human rights organized reports and lobbied for international recognition of arbitrary imprisonment, systematic torture, killings, and disappearances. In both political contexts, the memory of the groups affected by repression would appear in a varied range of practices and representational forms.

The negative memory of political violence never achieved widespread circulation in Brazilian society. The actors carrying that memory were unable to hold the State accountable for the demands they had made. They remained isolated, socially and politically.

These groups prioritized other demands, both old and new, which had been suspended until that point. This strategy created the Amnesty Law, and its dominant interpretation is the most powerful barrier blocking social and historical memory about the dictatorship. And it was through this new legal-political-ideological mechanism that the guarantee of immunity for the Armed Forces was extracted.

The State used this mechanism to plaster with forgetting impunity, concealment, silence, and lies the arbitrary detentions, the torture, the secret military courts operating beyond the rule of law, the killings, and the forced disappearances perpetrated by its agents. It did so in such a way that it could regularly refuse demands made by relatives of the dead and disappeared, former political prisoners, and human rights organizations for the investigation into the facts and the circumstances of what happened, public recognition of what had taken place, reparations for the victims, memorializing measures, and holding the repressive agents criminally responsible.

It is not surprising, given this context, that the government would block any consistent policy or mechanism for transitional justice. Decades would have to pass for the extremely long amnesic phase would show any signs of change. The first significant step took place during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in After discreet negotiations with the military took place about the thorny topic of dictatorship repression and emphatic assurances that amnesty was not being questioned, the Brazilian State assumed, for the first time, responsibility for the deaths of disappeared political opposition — without investigating the circumstances of those deaths or naming the responsible parties, individual or institutional.

It also guaranteed death certificates for the families — even though the families bore the burden of proof — and monetary reparations which the majority of families had not demanded. There was a marked privatized slant and the clear goal of impeding any public debate about the topic in society. In , in the name of national reconciliation and commitment to close the question of the past at once, the Amnesty Commission was established for the politically persecuted.

These advances tied into the linchpin of reparations and its connections with truth and memory. The result was a complex and contradictory political dynamic driven by four independent forces: the diverse political initiatives taken by the government; the mobilization around demands for memory, truth, and justice, upheld by human rights organizations, social movements, and other collectives; the fledgling process of judicialization, domestically and internationally, in relation to the amnesty law and the right to truth and justice that victims of repression hold this was expressed most clearly in , with the contrasting decisions stated by the Federal Supreme Court STF and the International Court of Human Rights CIDH ; and finally, the reactions, opposition, and negotiations between the Armed Forces and the government at distinct critical moments.

At the same time, in an indirect and contained way, this accumulation of information threw into question legalized impunity. In fact, what one saw was an unprecedented un-amnesic phase developing throughout the political landscape in relation to the military dictatorship. What made this possible was, on the one hand, favorable political conditions on a domestic level, in which a sector of the governmental elite found rapid support and action from long-time actors and new social collectives that had persisted in the struggle not to let the dictatorial past be forgotten.

On the other, a favorable Latin American and global context legalized and legitimized applying international human rights paradigms to the treatment of the recent violent past. This broader context not only circulated mechanisms of transitional justice but also spread the value for traumatic memory for these types of injustices. It is in this general framework, and in a situation where a sentence condemning the Brazilian state by the CIDH seemed inevitable, that the novel National Truth Commission entered the political scene.

Passed by law in Congress in November along with an absolutely necessary Freedom of Information Act, the CNV was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and interconnected decisions that involved the government, the Armed Forces, human rights organizations, the STF, and leadership from major political parties.

It had broad investigative powers and its primary objectives were to bring to light grave human rights violations perpetrated by the state of exception, recommend preventative measures to prevent the repetition of this kind of regime and to achieve national reconciliation, and to promote the reconstruction of a historical interpretation of the period based on these violations and with an emphasis on the victims.

Once established and operating, the CNV quickly became the impetus for an expansive and unprecedented wave in Brazil, inspiring state and group-specific truth commissions; countless forums for public debate; the multiplying of depositions and testimonies; sensitivity in younger generations; new public and private archives; broad coverage in mass media and spillover onto social media; intensified production on the period in academia and investigative journalism; diverse artistic expressions; and, without a doubt, the most intense moment in the dispute over memory regarding the meaning, knowledge, and interpretations of the military regime, in addition to tributes, monuments, and campaigns to establish museums and sites of memory and education about human rights in various Brazilian cities.

In sum, the CNV inscribed into the memorial process about the military dictatorship a stimulus, acceleration, and breadth of unprecedented activities tied to diverse groups and actors. The height of this action was between March and April , the symbolic moment marking 50 years after the military coup.

The CNV crafted a general narrative about the historical experience of the military dictatorship, centered on the question of grave human rights violations committed by the State, as is shown in the Final Report and the 29 recommendations that accompany it, presented to Dilma Rousseff in December It includes the names of the victims who were killed as well as those responsible for the crimes, and recommends opening investigations and court trials.

However, the expanding un-amnesiac phase came abruptly to a close in the extreme two-pronged political and economic crisis that Brazil suffered after the presidential elections — a crisis that, since that time, has not ceased to deepen. The lasting nature of the crisis, permanent uncertainty in the present moment, and the destructive impact of the crisis in diverse contexts political-institutional, economic, social, cultural, ethical generated amnesia about the recent past along with the rapid dissolution of expectations about the future.

In terms of reparation, truth, and memorialization, these effects sharpened under the Temer administration, even before the turbulent impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff had come to a close. Many previous advances were interrupted, cleared out, dismantled. In any case, the current framework shows the fragility of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as the prevailing weight of the barriers, restrictions, and opposition that appeared throughout the process of transitional justice.

There is no dearth of research in history and the social sciences that shows the strong propensity for silence, lack of awareness, and indifference amongst vast swaths of the population in relation to the political past, and specifically, to the recent political past and the military dictatorship. Above all, this refers to the strategies not explicitly laid out during the period of political transition that have largely persisted for the nearly thirty years of normalizing democratic institutions, not including the important changes in policy, though cut short and precarious, introduced in the last phase of transitional justice.

And when it has, that treatment has been slow, truncated, and unequal. It is for this reason that the challenge of making this project an informal pedagogical tool for awareness and memory of political violence in the past is even more relevant. It is in this context of intense crisis, in a turbulent pre-election political, legal, and media moment that this book arises.

We can also not limit ourselves to a simplified version of the power structures and relationships of the dictatorship in which a single dominant pole is strictly limited to the military and the repressive apparatus while a second pole of resistance consists of a homogenous block of political opposition or armed resistance. On the contrary, the goal of this project is to consider the complex interconnectedness of domination, violence, and resistance by delving into historical landmarks in a comprehensive way, noting changing power relations and the different interpretations and perspectives of various actors from both inside and outside the State.

The last dictatorship was not a government that sustained itself purely on coercion — and, in the same way, the government was not the only entity that carried out violence, nor was political opposition the only target. Resistance did not wear thin during the open conflict between actions and discourses of the most visible actors political parties, unions, social movements, civil society organizations, and underground leftist organizations.

And that violence definitely should not be viewed as infrequent or as a deviation from the norm, as it was inherent to this form of political and social domination. In other words, violence was necessarily tied to the economic, social, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural dimensions of dictatorial order, conditioning and deeply affecting these components of the regime to varying degrees.

It would be reformulated into its most intense phase after the Fifth Institutional Act AI-5 and come to be all pervasive, centralized, selective, clandestine, and effective. The violence of the regime affected countless victims through different means physical coercion, purges in the workplace, exile, fear of being tipped off, etc.

State violence and its technological mechanisms for wielding power over the body, specifically against members of armed resistance groups, reached sophisticated levels of cruelty and barbarity. The dictatorship practiced kidnapping, systematic torture, sexual abuse, execution, dismemberment, disappearance, and hid bodily remains. But the repressive structure that cracked down on leftist activists had consequences that deeply affected society as a whole.

This would be the combined effect of disseminating fear of physical coercion and persecution, of censorship and self-censorship in the press, symbolic violence, and official propaganda. The true face of the military regime consisted of the denial of politics, the perversion of legal sense and rights, and a culture of violence and arbitrary acts made banal by the dictatorship. It was a new version of the old matrix of political and social Brazilian authoritarianism.

However, even as the military dictatorship would come to administer repression in a more contained and selective fashion in its final chapter, it never lost the violent, arbitrary, and authoritarian qualities that permeated its institutional mechanisms and practices. But that does not mean that the dictatorship managed to impede the emergence of different forms of resistance and dissidence over the course of its rule.

That existed in different contexts and environments, as alluded to in many different spaces in this project. The consequences and impacts of institutionalized violence, however, did not end with the transition to democracy. These are the individuals who form the heart of current struggles for reparations, memory, truth, and justice.

On the other hand, an indeterminate number of unknown victims — individuals and social groups not connected with political opposition to the regime indigenous peoples, peasants, traditional communities, people of color from impoverished peripheral areas, the LGBT community, etc. Even so, it is worth mentioning that one should not measure the violent character of a dictatorship based on the number of lethal victims or persecuted people that its repressive apparatus produced.

In addition to the question of victims, there are still direct legacies of the dictatorship on a constitutional and legislative level, visible remnants that linger in State institutions, administrative structures, and public policy — as well as in the imaginaries, discourses, and social action at the heart of the State and civil society. These crimes take place in the normative-institutional framework of democracy, under different foreign and domestic historical conditions, and with a social profile that defines new victims young people, the majority of them black and poor.

For this reason, the final reports of both the CNV and the CEV-Rio propose a set of recommendations that call attention to the urgent need for institutional measures and reforms, constitutional and legal, in addition to specific public policy and independent social initiatives in varied e-contexts. This is the way to settle scores with the violent injustice of both the past and the present in terms of reparation, memory, truth, and justice.

This project has as its starting point the idea of a place or a site as the territorial location of a specific point in space, represented on a map as coordinates and precise references that, on a small scale, carry the very characteristics of materiality and concreteness. However, we do not fully break away from the distinction between space and place in the sense of an opposition between something global versus something local , nor that between space and time, which necessarily involves prioritizing one concept over the other.

Still, the physical medium of place is social, steeped in subjective temporality and immateriality. Symbolic appropriations, experiences, and the material side of human action that took place in a site in specific contexts host many layers of meaning that end up forming a place filled with memories and histories. Others — the ones that were sites for protests, social and political struggle, meeting and communication that restored politics as a part of freedom of speech and action in public space — question the lawful and the illegal dimensions of dictatorship order.

All of these sites carry the history of the facts that took place there and conflicted memories that condense and materialize in space — memories that, forgotten or ignored by large swaths of the population today, still contain the traces and vestiges of feeling, meaning, and truths experienced by the protagonists of the conflicts and witnesses. That is why organizations and social collectives fight to establish memory markers in physical space, whether as part of their own initiatives or as part of demands by state institutions.

It is for the permanent resident or visitor of the areas contemplated, whose routines, schedules, and everyday movements pivot on these invisible places. And we do this through the conjunction and dialogue between text, maps and the floor plans of some centers of repression , and photographs, specific to each site, and related to territorial, temporal, and thematic aspects of space.

To this end, bibliographic, archival, oral and iconographic history research was conducted both to identify the places that would be included and to build the first drafts of the texts for countless sites. The creation of maps and selection of images was carried out in relation to the state of Rio de Janeiro covering six of eight regions and cities of each of the chosen areas.

In the same way, the project drew on oral history archives and witness testimony that truth commissions CNV, CEV-Rio, and municipal truth commissions gave to the initiative or on the transcriptions of interviews that the researchers on this team carried out. Finally, we should note that the selected detention sites and places where action and repression took place, as well as the sites related to resistance movements in their many forms, are not exhaustive.

The city of Rio de Janeiro was, on a national level, one of the areas in which state violence was most heavily exercised and has large numbers of victims and persecuted people including those who came from other states.

It was also a space where many kinds of resistance and social, political, and cultural movements acted against the dictatorship. Many memories and histories are yet to be discovered and told, a vast archive of documents and testimonies to be researched, which would allow us to learn about and spread awareness for the different meanings of a past that continues in the present.

Brazil today does not run the risk of having a saturated memory, literally fixed in the past, with the possibility of falling into the abuse of memorialism. On the contrary: the real danger is to continue in the excessive forgetting of violent pasts, in an obstinate refusal to consider structures of domination, inequality, discrimination, exclusion, invisibility, and insignificance of the everyday violence affecting the victims of the present.

It is against the heavy legacy of forgetting that we affirm here the always unfinished, fragmented, and open work of building memory and awareness of history and how it steps into the present. Facing the political and social violence of the recent dictatorial past and coping with it is essential, even if it is not a total guarantee that similar or even worse scenarios will not occur in the future. Memories of past injustice, just as they have advanced, can also revert or even disappear depending on the historical circumstances and the struggles of those who do not forget and refuse to let the injustice be forgotten.

Still, movements for social memory are unforeseeable, as Brazil and many other cases around the world show. Acesso em: 2 set. Los Trabajos de la Memoria. El Estado y la memoria : gobiernos y ciudadanos frente a los traumas de la historia. Santiago: Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos, In: International Center for Transitional Justice.

Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, Las luchas del pasado. Brasil , em novembro de Domination and the Art of Resistances. Nova Haven: Yale University Press, O que resta da ditadura. Informe Paris: Gallimard, Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, The Central Army Hospital HCE was an important component of the repressive structure mounted by the military dictatorship in the state of Rio de Janeiro.

The space served to rehabilitate political prisoners who had been tortured in other official or clandestine facilities and to forge expert reports for victims killed by agents of the State. The locale is still associated with the assassination and forced disappearance of activists who opposed the dictatorship. The Central Army Hospital was founded in through a decree signed by Marshal Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca , replacing the old Military Hospital that had stood in an old mansion in Morro do Castelo since The name change was accompanied by the construction of new hospital facilities in the Benfica neighborhood in the central region of Rio de Janeiro.

The hospital was inaugurated in June of During the military dictatorship, the activists sent to the HCE were kept in specific wings of the hospital, such as the psychiatric infirmary and the thirteenth prison infirmary.

The decision to hospitalize political prisoners was aimed, in many cases, at guaranteeing the physical recovery of the victims so that they could be interrogated under torture again at a later date, as well as at continuing their psychological torture. A series of testimonies makes this evident. The case of Estrella Bohadana is one of the most emblematic. In the words of the activist:. The state in which one returned from torture was, in general, a very, very unfortunate state.

When I came to, I was already in a hospital cell. But even so, the interrogations continued, there, inside the same hospital, without physical torture, of course, but with obvious psychological, emotional torture, I mean, with lots of threats. Right there in the HCE, I had contact with other comrades. Marcos Arruda, who was in the male wing, was also barbarously tortured.

There, no one had been less than barbarously tortured. Me I , for example, when I left the hospital, I went back to being tortured. I went back to Barra Mansa, and then I went back to being tortured, everything all over again. I mean, when I thought that the thing had ended.

Because, really, what could they want from a prisoner after three months of torture? There is no more information to give. I went through three days of terror in the DOI-CODI until December 25, Christmas day, and spent all of Christmas night listening to screams of those being tortured, waiting for my turn to be taken.

Maybe I had been spared because I had a seizure. They stopped giving me medicine for three days, and then they took me back to the HCE. Aquino and Doctors Elias and Mota were still there. The head of security was Major Sadi, later replaced by Captain Morais, who by exception treated us like human beings. She was sent to the PIC again after her recovery:.

But there is evidence that in addition to being the space for the recovery of the political prisoners, the HCE was also a space for interrogations and physical torture. Due to the violence suffered, Raul was taken to the HCE by recommendation of an official doctor on August 4 of that year, where he passed away about a week later. More recently, the medical-legal report elaborated by expert Nelson Massini and presented in a public hearing organized by the CEV-Rio in August proved that Raul Amaro was physically tortured in the HCE in at least two distinct moments.

This indicates that Raul suffered new lesions after checking into the hospital. This was the first case in which the practice of physical torture within a military hospital during the dictatorship was proven. In addition to the assistance and cooperation with the practice of illegal imprisonment and torture, the HCE also helped to falsify official reports on victims of state repression. Such action was taken mainly to conceal the true causes of death of the activists, who had been assassinated by agents of the State, and the systematic practice of torture against those who opposed the dictatorship.

The autopsy report, modified by the medical service of the HCE, reiterated the official version that Severino had committed suicide inside his cell. A team of experts with the CNV managed to deconstruct this version of events and identify inconsistencies in the report, concluding that Severino was assassinated by state agents.

The history of the HCE brings up an important discussion about the role of medical professionals during the military dictatorship. Instead of saving lives and attending to the health of the sick, some of these professionals were accomplices in the carrying out of grave human rights violations.

The participation of doctors in torture even involved their presence during interrogations, where they would supervise torture and resuscitate the prisoner, administering treatment before, during, and after the sessions. During the sessions, the doctor determined if the prisoner could continue being mistreated or if it was necessary to reduce the degree of violence so the prisoner would not lose consciousness and thus be able to continue giving information.

The participation of doctors also involved the omission of tests and the falsification of reports, autopsies, and death certificates. In this sense, covering up clear signs of torture and concealing of real causes of death of those who had been assassinated was common. Finally, medical professionals concealed bodies. Coroners were normally tied to the Secretariat of Public Security and would, in some cases, contribute to the forced disappearance of activists.

We can identify the names of the doctors who served the military regime in Rio de Janeiro. On September 23, , the CNV and the CEV-Rio began to investigate the HCE in order to search for the patient medical records from the military dictatorship era and to identify the places where political prisoners were held inside the hospital.

The patient medical records were not found, and the Army denied their existence. An anonymous tip made to the MPF, revealed that patient medical records for political prisoners were deliberately hidden on the eve of the investigation carried out by the CNV and the CEV-Rio in September of that year, and that they could be found in a building attached to the hospital.

During the search, patient records from and were found in a locked room in an adjacent building, in addition to plastic bags with records of patients attended to during the military dictatorship, proving that the Army had, in fact, concealed relevant documents. Dossiers with names, photos, and information on members and advisors of the commissions that had participated in the investigations during the dictatorship were located during the same search.

This was one more piece of evidence indicating that the military presidents were always aware of the torture carried out by state agents and that patient records exist and are being concealed by the Brazilian Army in a fully democratic period. Even today, family members of the dead and disappeared, as well as former political prisoners, fight to have access to these medical patient records. During this event, testimonies of former political prisoners were heard. Acervo Raul Amaro Nin Ferreira.

Pasta Documentos, p. Rio de Janeiro: agosto, Testemunho de Estrella Dalva Bohadana. Acesso em: 22 maio Agosto de Rio de Janeiro, agosto, Arquivo CEV-Rio. Acesso em 22 maio The metalworkers of Rio de Janeiro were among the most sought after groups, since they were one of the most organized and active divisions of the trade union movement on the national level.

Along with the seizure and destruction of documents that other institutions suffered, this raid greatly affected the way history and memory are constructed in Brazil. As early as April , minister of Labor Arnaldo Sussekind, appointed by the general president Castelo Branco, formalized the interventions in hundreds of unions, including the metalworkers of Rio de Janeiro.

Unionized metalworkers were the target of investigations about Communist activities, assembled in a Military Police Inquiry IPM , and the union headquarters were used as a location for interrogations. The loss of labor rights, imprisonment, and exile marked the period.

After the decline of the Estado Novo , the metalworkers exerted strong influence on the trade union movement at a regional and national level. In the late s, the union had to fight against repression sparked by the Dutra administration, during which the Ministry of Labor invaded the board of directors, which was led by organizers from the Brazilian Communist Party PCB [05] and of the Brazilian Labor Party PTB.

In the s, leaders in the metalworker movement managed to navigate state control while acting within the union structure. Throughout the s and the first half of the s, the organization mobilized workers from other union divisions, organized strikes, and fought for higher pay and better working conditions. It had space for a theater, cafeteria, classrooms, and even a print shop, in addition to two elevators and bathrooms for men and women on every floor.

With the accelerated process of urbanization that developed in the following decades, the headquarters lost its impressiveness. However, its importance extends to today. In the early s, the metalworkers of Rio de Janeiro were one of the few groups that had their own headquarters. After years of struggle, the union board of directors finally managed to construct a space that represented the significance of this union division for organized labor Jordan, , p.

On December 29th, , the headquarters was named a Rio de Janeiro state historical and cultural heritage site by Municipal Law No. From , during the presidency of unionist Benedicto Cerqueira, the union gained influence in the organized labor movement by connecting with interunion entities. The creation of the CGT made it possible to organize a more cohesive trade union movement that would seek to break with the vertical, corporatist structure controlled by the State.

In , Cerqueira was elected a federal deputy. In the short period when the Communists led the entity before , the union headquarters was the stage for several political and ideological clashes. In its spacious auditorium, as it was considered at the time, it hosted various meetings facilitated by partisan nationalist and leftist leaders. Hundreds of assemblies, public functions, parties, dances, tournaments, campaigns, congresses, and dozens of other activities took place in the building.

On March 25, , the metalworkers gave the sailors the headquarters for the commemoration of their second anniversary. In the midst of heavy political tension between the opposition and support for the Goulart administration, Anselmo gave what the mainstream press considered a passionate speech in defense of the broad-based reforms. The event caught the attention of the Armed Forces, since the sailor leadership had already criticized minister admiral Sylvio Motta in the past. It was then that the participants decided to stay at the union headquarters in a permanent assembly until their demands were met.

They called for there to be no punishment whatsoever until the board of directors of the Association were set free and its demands to end the punishments were met. Though the union board of directors tried to dissuade the sailors, they would only leave after three days of occupation.

Even in a turbulent political climate, the March 31 coup took a large part of the metalworker leadership by surprise. Even though the directors of PCB [05] had considered the possibility of a right-wing coup, the central committee of the party believed that the left-leaning members of the military would resist. Metalworkers in the region involved themselves in the fight for union autonomy and freedom alongside social movements emerging on the national stage in this period.

During the s, like the majority of workers throughout the entire country, the metalworkers suffered under the neoliberal agenda implemented during the Fernando Collor de Mello administration, later maintained during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration. The dismantling of the naval industry profoundly impacted the entity and its stocks: the tightening of wages, mass layoffs, and a high cost-of-living index decimated the sector n.

Currently, the union focuses its struggle on the recovery of the Rio de Janeiro naval sector, considered fundamental to restoring regional development and generating employment. Revista Perseu, ano 7, n. Acesso em: 5 nov. Cadernos AEL, v. The military regime persecuted the periodical after the coup, destroying its headquarters and forcing Samuel Wainer, its founder and visionary editor, into exile.

Experiencing censorship, it gradually adopted a more moderate stance, losing its place as an opposition newspaper in Brazilian media. The newspaper printed its first edition in Wainer and Lacerda squared off in notorious collisions, considered an important period in Brazilian press history. Despite this, Samuel Wainer asserted that his publication sought to serve as a sort of popular and independent press, with news directed towards the masses.

It distanced itself from the oligarchic press that mostly opposed Vargas. Starting in , the periodical experienced widespread criticism and allegations of illicit transactions for the loans secured for its founding. This led to the establishment of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, although nothing of legal note was found.

Wainer longed to create a national network of daily newspapers, even if they were to carry only one name, based on the templates that Assis Chateaubriand had already been producing with his Associated Dailies. In , which was already a politically polarized moment, the paper published news that attributed claims of a Communist offensive in Brazil to the conservative branches of the National Democratic Union UDN , which were against the reforms and banded together to lead a coup against Jango.

It was seen as a newspaper that appealed to the common person, aligned itself closely with Jango, and sympathized with the left and the PTB. They forced open the garage door, hauling the vans onto the street, busting them up and lighting them on fire.

Samuel Wainer was politically persecuted and fled to Europe, where he remained until During the military regime, the newspaper had to make concessions to survive, but even so it covered protests against the regime and reported on many of the violent acts that students suffered. As a result, the military tried to systematically boycott the newspaper by pressuring ad agencies to avoid the publication. The newspaper published reports that analyzed the political situation and what would become of individual liberties in the country, reporting that the act marked a coup within a coup.

After AI-5, the political pages of the newspaper lost their spot to culture, art, and cinema, and little by little, the newspaper lost the critical stance that had characterized it since its founding Faber, p. Almost all of the employees, 86 people, were laid off in one fell swoop Pinheiro Junior, With their improvised newsrooms, the two papers were gradually dismantled, both politically and editorially.

The newspaper considered expressing a merely informative and linear vision of events sufficient, as in , during an attempted attack in downtown Rio. The decline persisted, and in the newspaper circulated for only a part of the afternoon.

Sales were bad, and the paper was sold. Later, in , it declared bankruptcy with a debt of million cruzeiros. For example, the Paulista branch was leased to Grupo Folha in the s and the Porto Alegre branch later turned into Zero Hora , one of the main daily newspapers in circulation in Brazil today.

Acervo da Biblioteca Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, ref. Revista Historiador, ano 3, n. Acesso em: 20 jun. Rio de Janeiro: Mauad, Like the metal workers and the workers in steelmaking industries in the region, oil workers gained visibility throughout the s and the early s by means of their large mobilizing capacity and the advances in political consciousness-building.

In , oil workers represented one of the key sectors of the political-ideological clashes that culminated in the civil-military coup of the same year. All union files were confiscated, and the board directors who were linked to the PCB were removed from power, forced to flee in order to avoid prison. The union remained under control of the Ministry of Labor until In the late s, a dispute over whether to maintain the state oil monopoly or sell the natural resources to foreign multinationals began.

In the second half of the s, oil workers from the Manguinhos Refinery, a private company founded in December , organized, fighting for better wages and work conditions. Later, the third branch would be moved to Presidente Vargas Avenue, then finally settle on Passos Avenue, in the downtown part of the city. He was first imprisoned on the border of Rio Grande do Sul with Uruguay. In Porto Alegre, Autran was interrogated in the Army premises. After the interrogation, the unionist was left locked up, naked, without a shower, in a dark, cold room.

In his words:. At night, the rats and cockroaches would come. The cockroaches would eat our skin. They attack more than the rats. The employees endured horrors. They would ask: where is so-and-so? Generally, the unions have the so-called advisors on the board of directors, and those poor devils suffered a lot. It was a witch hunt. They created broad investigation commissions. The person would go to testify and, upon leaving, would already receive their letter of dismissal or suspension.

In the worst case scenario, they would be asked to collaborate. Of these, of the names were listed in a Military Police Investigation IPM established to investigate the political activities of the state company. In , oil worker activists tried to take back control of the union. However, it was prevented from taking office, due to alleged fraud in the elections. The entity, then, continued under military control. Francisco Soriano was one of the members of the winning slate prevented from taking office.

According to him, the entire slate was fired, causing the winning leadership to lose ties with the entity. Soon after the kidnapping of U. Ambassador Charles Elbrick, in , repressive agencies intensified their persecution of activists engaged in the armed struggle. Fernando Autran, who lived in hiding with a false identity, became a wanted man. His family started to receive threats, and, under threat, the union member had to turn himself in.

According to his testimony, he must have been imprisoned in place of Fernando Gabeira, who was involved in the kidnapping of the U. Throughout the dictatorial regime, oil workers continued laboring under intense surveillance, making it impossible for them to organize in their union. However, during the Geisel and Figueiredo governments, the oil workers were very engaged in the redemocratization movement, such as in the Direct Elections Now campaign.

At the same time, the union headquarters was the target of attempted arson, an attack that remains a mystery to this day. There were three arson attempts, and the criminals were seen running away on the roof of the building Surgente, When the military regime ended, the union moved forward with its activism, carrying out a series of strikes, such as one that took place in , an occasion in which seven oil workers were fired for having organized a shutdown.

Some of them, including Jorge Eduardo, Eduardo Machado, and Emanuel Cancella would later became directors of the entity. With the business administrative reform, thousands of oil workers were laid off. The union played a crucial role in the fight for reintegrating workers who were laid off and in their involvement with the Remove Collor campaign.

The privatization of oil companies like Nitriflex and Petroflex left thousands of workers unemployed. The group managed to reverse hundreds of layoffs. In the following year, the oil workers declared a national strike, demanding the suspension of the privatizations and the reintegration of laid-off workers. The fight against privatization continued in the next governments of Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. It was a period marked by large strikes, negotiations, defeats, and some victories.

It is worth highlighting that this strike became a paradigm for the history of twentieth century Brazilian workers movements. As the moment unfolded, other groups of oil workers joined the cause. It is located on Passos Avenue, 34, in downtown Rio de Janeiro. It is a reference in the national trade union movement, and works alongside social movements all over the country.

Acesso em: 4 nov. Surgente: jornal semanal Sindipetro-Rj, Rio de Janeiro, n. The name is representative of a figure who represents one the harshest, most authoritarian periods of Brazilian history, as it honors the president who signed the Fifth Institutional Act AI Nowadays, there is an intense movement demanding a change of name. The construction itself exhibits several signs of the dictatorship, such as the participation of soldiers in the project management, the profiting of businessmen affiliated with the regime, the strengthening of the highway transportation model, and neglect for worker health and security.

During the dictatorship, infrastructure projects such as viaducts, bridges, and overpasses proliferated. The model was sustained by private interests of economic groups such as the large automotive industry multinationals established in the country and the manufacturers who supplied equipment and materials for the highway construction, in addition to Brazilian public works contractors specializing in highway construction since the Juscelino Kubitschek period.

This debate continued until just before and even during the building of the bridge, when members of the government suggested that a railway tunnel could complete the connection. The choice in favor of the bridge was made by the Ministry of Transportation, citing lower costs than the underground connection. The agency consulted three U. With the plans settled in , it was agreed that the bridge would be Ultimately, a compromise was reached and the height of the central gap was set at 72 meters.

The National Congress approved the construction in the form of a bill sent to dictator Arthur da Costa e Silva, which was signed on October 16th, , becoming Law no. The work relied partially on foreign financing, with a loan from a group of British banks led by the Rothschild family. Construction began in December of and encountered a series of problems, mainly in the initial phase of building the foundations.

Technical difficulties and work accidents were constant, concentrated in the major problems that arose with the support structures on the bottom of the Guanabara Bay. Without the use of modern technological innovations developed from deep-water exploration of petroleum, the foundations were constructed with caissons.

The studies completed on the bottom of the bay indicated a maximum depth of 15 meters, but in the area of the central gap, the riverbed was found to be more than 40 meters deep. Facing continued delays and a lack of progress in installing the bridge foundations, the dictatorship took a measure of force.

Everything was nationalized, and the consortium tried, unsuccessfully, to reverse the decision in court. The consortium that had landed in second place was contracted. The work, nevertheless, would be completed by a separate contract for each administration — different from venture contracts, which were more common in public works at the time. It was subordinate to DNER, which contracted the services out to consortium contractors, paying a profit margin for each service.

The project ran through the peak of the dictatorship and caused various accidents, many fatal. Ten thousand workers and two hundred engineers worked on the endeavor. Photos of the time reveal the little regard for worker safety, picturing workers with rubber sandals and shorts, shirtless and smoking while they hammered or carried objects.

Hardhats and boots were scarce. The number of deaths is unclear. Officially, 33 people died during the project, but some estimate up to casualties, including deaths on the pillars. The engineer Bruno Contarini from the Rabello contractor, contests this version of events:. The idea that the workers were buried in concrete is a myth.

Management came quickly to remove the bodies. Then, we moved on. Despite the problems, the project advanced with the new consortium under the nationalized system. New foreign equipment was ordered, and the foundations were completed with the assistance of German drill rig machines. The work continued on at an accelerated pace in the final stages, and the bridge was inaugurated at the beginning of , three years behind schedule.

During the ceremony, Andreazza said:. He rightly tried to disassociate the construction of the bridge from the dictatorship:. Although the project was initiated while the military regime was at its peak, the decision to build the bridge was far from an authoritarian one. If only public investment had been, in our history, marked by the same amount of planning and the same legal, democratic, and transparent procedures that preceded the approval of the project and authorized its fulfillment.

The bridge traffic exceeded expectations, and within the first year, 20, vehicles crossed it each day. Soon, the daily flow reached ,, nowadays reaching about , vehicles. The prediction was that the toll charge would compensate for the cost of the bridge within 20 years, but the value was reached in eight years, and since then the toll has been eliminated.

In , the bridge was privatized, a toll charge reinstated, and is still managed by contractors today. The total cost of the project was never ascertained, and the Brazilian Democratic Movement MDB , even during the dictatorship, tried unsuccessfully to establish a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry CPI in Congress to investigate the issue. The Federal Court of Accounts TCU tried to determine the cost of the undertaking, but the investigations were shelved.

Jornal do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 4 mar. A ponte da ditadura. O Globo, Rio de Janeiro, 9 fev. Acesso em: 16 jun. Acesso em 16 jun. Rio de Janeiro: IplanRio; Zahar, []. Estranhas cate — drais: as empreiteiras brasileiras e a ditadura civil-mili — tar brasileira, Engenharia no Brasil: 90 anos do Instituto de Engenharia, Rio de Janeiro: Topbooks, Anais… Londrina: UEL, In , the building held the departments of sociology, anthropology, philosophy, and political science all parts of the IFCS , in addition to the Institute of History which separated from the IFCS in It was marked by active political participation of academic centers and regular strikes on the one hand and, on the other, violent repression that the regime lodged against students and professors, who were persecuted, thrown out of the university, taken prisoner, tortured, or killed by the State.

In , a terrorist attack caused a bomb to explode in the IFCS. The Institute inspired fear in the extreme right during this period, which motivated the attack. Academic centers were highly active and student strikes, constant. The centers organized assemblies and lectures that discussed issues including: university reform, land reform, and cutbacks in universities.

Moreover, some professors incentivized these student activities and organized their own events on similar topics. As was common on other UFRJ campuses and in other universities, plainclothes state agents, disguised as students, installed themselves in the IFCS to monitor the activities of both students and professors.

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