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Marshall Director of Development aam vims. Gayle Hutton Director of Development ghutton gow. Boyle Director of Institutional Advancement joboyle hunschool. Mark Landini Director of Development mlandini linsly. In , Vanderbilt University donated a disused water tower, which supplied the communal showers once Farmie shade-tree mechanics devised a way to power the pumping equipment with an automobile engine.

There was no formal police force, although Farmies Leslie Hunt, and later, Johnny McDaniels, functioned as security officers—the latter was summoned, for example, in , when residents reported Farm teenagers joy-riding in a pickup truck. Over the years, The Farm cobbled together an ungainly financial structure that, somehow, supported the members' desire to share all things in common amid a society devoted to private ownership. As a community-on-wheels, they had evolved a number of common agreements and procedures to keep the Caravan in working order.

However, they departed San Francisco the second time with only vague notions of how to structure the religious community they wanted to create. Of course, Stephen and the members of his four-marriage which had expanded to become a six-marriage at some point on the Caravan would lead, and certainly, leaders and followers would continue to raise their level of collective consciousness, or "group head," as they had on the road.

But the commune's specific form had yet to be decided. They brought to Tennessee not plans, but hopes and principles. Even the most mundane decision could become the subject of debate. Rupert Fike, for example, fashioned a temporary shelter from sheets of plastic and put down a floor of planks salvaged from a local barn.

They suggested that laying a floor might represent an egoistic search for comfort, when their principles exhorted each member to prioritize the collective good. It was still getting figured out, how exactly to be 'spiritual. This assertion of status as a religious community provided the group with an exemption from property taxation, facilitated their claim of federal nonprofit tax status, and vested Stephen with the civil authority of a minister, including the right to perform marriage ceremonies.

They possessed neither knowledge of farming nor of many of the other survival skills required in a rural environment. They proceeded by trial and error. While a soaker, Patricia Mitchell heard that an agreement emerged from the earliest community meetings that each adult would devote one day per week to labor for the collective. They further agreed that, as householder yogis, work was to serve the spiritual growth of the individual. At first, this meant eschewing what skills one might already possess in favor of unfamiliar work that would induce humility.

Nurses and teachers might find themselves pulling weeds and pushing wheelbarrows. Soon, ten- or even fourteen-hour days, five or six days per week, became the routine labor contribution. The communards also became increasingly convinced of the practical advantages of labor specialization. More or less permanent assignments became the norm for workers possessing critical skills.

The first straw boss of the motor pool selected the members of his crew at what member John Coate describes as "a seminal men's meeting" held at the horse barn. The question was how to earn cash in a local economy that provided few opportunities for steady, waged employment. The Farmies proved highly inventive in their adaptation to these circumstances. At the behest of the first "Bank Lady," Kay Marie Wheeler, they created a temporary-labor agency, Farm Hands, in response to local farmers' and contractors' needs for hands.

The commune's carpentry crew worked diligently to create frame housing for the hippie village as materials became available, but they generated income by expanding into commercial work, hiring their services over a wide swath of the upper and middle South. In the early years, the carpenters led all Farm crews in cash earnings.

Each invented its own bookkeeping system and established its own bank accounts and lines of credit. Straw bosses could seek funds from the Bank Lady, who managed the cash held in common. Yet quite often, crew members found it necessary to take jobs as temporary laborers to raise funds for essential projects, such as the farming crew's spring planting. The straw bosses of the various crews reported directly to Stephen, as did Wheeler and the financial director, who managed the Foundation's financial assets.

The midwives reported to Ina May and, as exemplary wives and mothers who presided over the sacrament of birth, they exercised considerable influence over day-to-day relations among community members, as will be seen in the next chapter.

The marketing of Old Beatnik sorghum syrup was not a resounding success, but members continued to experiment with other forms of cottage industry. The Book Publishing Company, which evolved from the pre-Caravan effort to publish Monday Night Class, designed and printed volumes on Stephen's spiritual teachings, and distributed them internationally.

It also offered a list of books on vegetarianism, manuals on citizen's-band radio, the enormously popular Hey, Beatnik, and multiple editions of Ina May's renowned Spiritual Midwifery. Another enterprise was the construction of radiation detectors, an outgrowth of Farmies' participation in the movement against nuclear power.

The commune also participated in the invention or popularization of soybean-based food products. Farm Foods, the marketing division of the community's soy dairy, distributed soy milk, soy ice cream, and a number of other products to hip cooperatives and health-food stores. The original members had made the down payment on the land by pooling their liquidated personal property and savings; to these funds were added proceeds from the sales of Monday Night Class.

At some early point, the Farmies formalized this dimension of membership, requiring new residents to sign a legally binding vow of poverty that made the individual's assets the nonrefundable property of the Foundation. On occasion, recruitment, inheritance by an established member, or outright donations resulted in a windfall of cash or property. For example, the house that became the Alexandria, Virginia headquarters of Plenty, a humanitarian outreach agency founded by The Farm, was donated by a well-to-do couple.

However, because the Internal Revenue Service classified the Foundation as a communal religious organization, such donations were not tax-deductible. In keeping with his admiration for the Mahayana literally "great-boat" Buddhist approach to enlightenment, Stephen urged the Farmies to conceive of their community as a sanctuary for all those in need.

Farm publications and handbills offered free prenatal and obstetrical care to pregnant single women, as an alternative to abortion. Some members "rescued" elderly relatives from nursing homes; ex-convicts, juvenile delinquents, and patients discharged from mental hospitals were granted sanctuary as well. This musing reflected his faith that an approach to mental health modeled after the "sudden school" of Zen could cure most of the disorders that modern medicine had classified—he believed, incorrectly—as illnesses.

One former member testifies that, in fact, serious mental illnesses, such as schizophrenia, proved impervious to this approach. Yet he calls Stephen's teaching on this point a "small- t truth," noting that the community's consistent application of it to cases in which former mental patients had been misdiagnosed, and had come to believe their diagnosis, yielded impressive results.

I saw that a lot. While low-level mutual criticism, which the Farmies called a "sort session," addressed most of these perturbations of the group head, Stephen also exercised quasi-juridical authority in the early years of the commune.

Men who exhibited "hyper—John Wayne" tendencies might be asked to spend time in a single men's residence called the "rock tumbler," named for its function of knocking off rough edges. Another punishment was called "relativity.

Only on very rare occasions were members expelled. In terms of the hippie village's structure, growth prompted the emergence of new layers of organizational hierarchy. By the late s, with widely scattered satellite communities connected via ham radio, and the decision to venture into large-scale commercial agriculture, the Summertown flagship became the center of diversified, corporate-scale enterprise.

Albert Bates suggests the complexity and intensity of economic activity, writing that the farming crew operated around the clock in shifts during the Summertown autumn harvest. That task completed, the crew loaded equipment onto semitrailers for winter vegetable production in Florida. According to Bates, The Farm evolved a crazy-quilt economic structure, "tied together by homebrew computers, sideband radio and ham television, and by dovetailed holding corporations, subsidiaries, and business divisions.

By the time the Mitchell-Lapidus family passed through the gate, a significant number of the commune's adults had not shared in the powerful bonding experiences of the Monday Night Class and the Caravan. At least some of these, including Mitchell, had never experimented with psychedelics. Her account of one Sunday-morning service reveals how difficult it was for members of her "second generation" of Farm folk to absorb some of the elements of Stephen's teaching.

Moreover, the infrequency with which she and Stephen engaged in direct conversation meant that, while her commitment to following Stephen's path was as sincere and steadfast as the next Farmie's, her map of that path was necessarily incomplete—opening the way for her, and others like her, to fill in the blank areas on their own. While we could certainly observe the Rashomon effect at work among the founding elite as well, its influence is more clearly noticeable among those for whom The Farm's origins were folklore.

By the late s, there existed, in a sense, two, three, many Farms. For now, let's focus more explicitly on the sexual division of labor that, initially, so puzzled Don Lapidus and Patricia Mitchell. As Mitchell's hosts indicated, women did indeed "gig" at Beatnik Bell, as the telephone exchange was called; they also worked in the commune's fields, treated the sick at the clinic, presided at the birth of children, and managed the allocation of cash and housing space—both scarce resources.

Her hosts also pointed to another dimension: women with nursing children stayed close to home. Peter Jenkins' statistics make plain the demographic factors that had contributed to the Farmie baby boom: most adult residents of The Farm were passing through their peak years of fertility and household formation. For much of the communal period —83 , young children comprised half of the population.

Birth was a sacrament; Stephen and the midwives regarded abortion and "artificial" forms of contraception as practices contrary to the "natural" flow of qi, the holy life force. The constant tension between the need for yang productive labor and the high religious value of nurturant yin yielded a labor system in which women were neither strictly confined to the home nor wholly liberated from primary responsibility for social- and sexual-reproductive labor.

Stephen's teachings required married men to support their wives by acting as "knightly" providers and fathers. Single men and women, sometimes referred to as "monks" and "nuns," fit themselves into households centered around married couples as best they could, and took on many social-reproductive tasks in addition to the daily requirements of productive labor outside the household.

This is especially true for Farmie men, because the commune's publications on childbirth were the ones that offered the most detailed accounts of individual interactions. Hey, Beatnik! In one session of the Monday Night Class, Stephen described the consciousness of the individual as a conduit for qi. One's attention determined the ultimate destination of the life-force thus channeled. An undisciplined mind allowed its focus of attention to wander from object to object.

This lack of focus dissipated energy. While such individuals might be prodigiously productive in the narrow, capitalist sense, they tended not to manifest on the material plane much that raised consciousness of Spirit. Undisciplined attention also carried another consequence: the less one focused one's attention, the less one could learn about the surrounding world, since "to know what goes on you had to have been in on it since the beginning.

Rather, since it was the nature of human attention to wander, meditation was the discipline of calmly noticing when attention wanders, and bringing it back to a consistent object of focus. To develop this discipline, one might practice any number of yogas: a common monastic practice was to focus on one's breathing while maintaining the lotus position, with the later addition of a mantra or koan to short-circuit the rational intellect.

Gaskin's householder yoga developed a different route to the development of meditative concentration: "Don't ask for a mantra," Stephen told his students. Historian Joshua B. Freeman studied one of the more extreme cases of blue-collar manliness in the workplace when he sought to explain why so many construction workers demonstrated in support of Richard Nixon's Vietnam policy in These "hardhats," loosely supervised and concentrated at urban worksites in close proximity to pedestrian traffic, were notorious for their sexual harassment of women and their resistance to both gender and racial integration of the construction industry.

Their workplace relations with one another, says Freeman, featured highly sexualized and racialized cursing, craft vocabulary, nicknames and joking. Hardhats also indulged heavily in pornographic imagery and—if opportunity arose—in voyeurism.

This misogynist, racist culture, says Freeman, promoted the rapid, intense bonding that enabled itinerant workers to trust that their coworkers would not carelessly injure or kill one another in dangerous work sites. That's a very heavy reaction for the little thing that happened to you.

If, as Stephen taught, the universe was ultimately a field of energy, and the solidity of matter an illusion, then the proper relation between man and machine was not one of mastery, as among Freeman's hardhats, but tantric attunement. An enlightened man should become one with tools and processes, concentrating his attention to apply precisely the right amount of energy to accomplish a task, and to organize work to expend the minimum possible energy.

The tantric worker "helped" the task to finish itself, just as the tantric husband helped his wife in childbirth. William Santana, for a time the straw boss of the farming crew, recalls that one member of his crew stood out as exemplary because of his intelligence, humility, self-discipline, and willingness to share his knowledge with others. Joanne Santana chimed in, saying that the tractors this man operated became perfectly responsive extensions of his body and mind. Many had been raised in suburbs and had spent most of their lives in school.

They had to rediscover what, for them, were the lost arts of agriculture and a life among machines. When a Cistercian monastery in Georgia donated a large bread-dough mixer to the Farm bakery, the men sent to retrieve the gift marveled at the monks' apparently effortless loading of the ungainly contraption onto their truck with a winch. A former engineering student miscalculated the tolerances of a homemade derrick used to load the tower onto the Big Pickup—a cut-down Caravan bus, on which a cargo deck replaced the passenger seats.

Fortunately, when the derrick's wooden members snapped, the tower fell, unguided, into the cradle mounted on the Pickup. Alas, both luck and tantric attunement deserted members of the farming crew in , when, in a hasty attempt to load a potato harvester for transport to the Wisconsin satellite, the expensive device was ruined in an unceremonious tumble to the ground.

Each developed its own workplace subculture, at least one of which appears to have diverged decidedly from the ideal of tantric manhood. According to John Coate, the men of the motor pool drifted beyond the pale when their noontime touch-football games generated heated quarrels.

They also sold scrap radiators one year—not to finance a work project, but to rent a television to watch an auto race. Their subculture developed "secret handshakes, practical jokes," and "buying and drinking near-beer even though some of us hated it. Rapid population growth reduced the motor pool's bond to the community as a whole. Nevertheless, these Farmie "bad boys" my term observed certain limits: they took care to arrive at the Sunday services in clean clothing and with the requisite contemplative humility.

Some men evinced not only a tantric connection with machinery, but the kind of selfless generosity that exemplified the community's ideals. Brian Klaski speaks of a friend who, on a cold night, under no compulsion other than the welfare of his fellow communards, waded into deep water in order to repair a fractured water line. Michael Cook and a man named Willy spent a long night repairing a cultivator. The Farmies could afford only second-hand farming equipment, making up for its reduced reliability through constant repairs.

Unlike a commercial shop, the motor pool could not afford to maintain inventories of new parts; fixing a broken machine often involved salvaging required items from disabled vehicles, improvising work-arounds, or rummaging through barrels and boxes of unsorted parts already scavenged from other machines.

As they arrived, the sun rose. Even the urgency of making up for lost time did not deter the men from marveling at its beauty. They shut down the lumbering machine and stepped away to more fully admire "wonderful shades of gold, orange, and pink. Just as the sun was cresting the hill, we could both feel the rising energy. Willy turned to me with a huge grin on his face and said, 'Who needs grass? During his grade-school years, Peter Bargar washed dishes once a week.

At twelve, he cooked dinner for his large household once a week. Boys raised on The Farm understood the tantric decorum of helping out the "helmsman by night. Richard Lanham, a road-hardened, teenaged runaway who stayed at The Farm for a while with his mother's blessing, found himself immersed in a sort session when he questioned Farmie women's methods for preparing hash browns. In another incident, Patricia Mitchell was cooking one afternoon for the gate crew and a large number of visitors when a young man entered the kitchen, asking to make popcorn.

Popcorn seasoned with brewer's yeast was a common snack food. Mitchell suggested that the man help her by making enough for everyone; the man agreed, but then only made enough for himself. Seeing him sitting and munching while others depended on her, Mitchell told him that if he was not interested in helping, he should leave the kitchen. The man complained to the straw boss of the gate crew, Leslie Hunt, that Mitchell had hurt his feelings.

Hunt simply stated that "she's making lunch for a lot of folks. She has bigger things to worry about than your feelings. An expectant mother recalls awakening one morning to labor contractions; she got up more slowly than usual, trying to determine whether they were a false alarm. To her great relief, her husband had already roused the children and prepared breakfast. Provision of firewood was one such task. A crew of ten men worked year round to supply cordwood to community households; the men of the households cut, split, and stacked this supply, and carried it indoors as needed.

Peter Bargar recalls that, at the age of fifteen, it was something of a coming-of-age ritual when his father allowed him to pick up the chainsaw. Men and boys also mopped the rough plywood floors of the tent-shanties and houses. As was frequently the case in the rest of the United States, men made repairs around the house. Evans seized a wrench, wrestled the heavy tank into place, and relit the water heater. Her proficiency amazed the other women, because "this was a man's work, not woman's.

But of course, masculinity is not an independent social structure: it is, in Connell's terms, an emergent characteristic of gender, a culture's organization of the reproductive arena. To complete our analysis of The Farm's sexual division of labor as an important factor in shaping its tantric masculinity, we now turn to the reproductive work of women. As a manifestation of yin, routine household labor took on significance as women's spiritual obligation. Margaret Nofziger, Stephen's legal wife and a member of his group marriage, considered tasks such as cooking and cleaning "a holy duty," and she intended her words to serve as a guide for other women to follow.

The women of the Long House scheduled a day in advance. For this household of fifty residents, every day one woman cooked, another cleaned; a third cared for the household's "kid herd" of probably preschool children, while a fourth attended the toddlers who had been weaned. Women, or a "monk" if one was about the house, walked to the storehouse access to vehicles being limited to claim the household's rations of cooking oil, soap, margarine, sugar, and other items.

This pattern, in various permutations, appears to have been quite common among Farmie households. Barbara Cordette, who lived in a house called the Adobe, affirms that the mothers of children in diapers remained at home almost all of the time to care for them. This practice grew out of the Farmies' belief in the importance of maintaining the unique, "telepathic" connection between mother and child, and their strong emphasis on the importance of breastfeeding.

Klaus and John H. Kennell, champions of the concept of attachment, who claimed that deprivation of mothers' attention early in life left children vulnerable to a wide array of psychological disorders. In place of a dial tone, Beatnik Bell's users heard a message prepared daily by the system's operators, detailing items available at the store, as well as the labor needs of various work crews and cottage industries.

Women's labor both inside and outside the household contributed substantially to the community, because The Farm attempted to make up for its relative lack of capital by mustering many hands. The midwives recognized that childbirth required physical conditioning. Drawing on evidence from other cultures, Ina May wrote that general fitness and sensible exertion during pregnancy made birth less arduous.

I am aware of no expressions of men's discomfort with their participation. Jobs requiring highly specialized skills, such as carpentry, or the repair and operation of heavy machinery, seem to have been closed to women. Anthropologist Bryan Pfaffenberger relates an instance when an unspecified party granted a woman permission, "over the objections of some men and women," to train as a tractor driver.

For reasons that Pfaffenberger does not make clear, she "did not hold [the position] long. But even if we presume that she was single and childless—the circumstances most favorable for taking such a position—the midwives might have objected that she was destined for marriage and motherhood, and that the responsibilities of tractor operation especially at peak seasons of planting and harvesting would compete with the inevitable demands that infant and toddler care would make on a Farmie wife. From a farming-crew perspective, observance of the primacy of child nurture would have interfered with the development and application of skills by women who were mothers of infants or toddlers.

One might entertain other, less generous possibilities about ingrained sexism among the critics, but the woman did get permission at least to try. Still, this points to the larger question that will concern us at the end of this chapter: Why did this woman evidently lack the control of her fertility necessary to accommodate the demands of the season—and why did her desire to drive not count as an occasion to re-examine the commune's belief in the primacy of fertility and nurture?

Perhaps by virtue of previous training, of the eleven printers at the Book Publishing Company in , only one was a woman; of the Company's twelve graphic artists, only two were men. Men dominated the photography department, while the editorial work appears to have been carefully balanced between women and men for the first edition of Spiritual Midwifery.

For the second edition, the two men who served as editors did so in the capacity of medical consultants. Five women discharged the other editorial duties. A minority of women, such as the Bank Lady, sat on governing boards. Women's presumed affinity for resolving interpersonal conflict appears to have predisposed the appointment of women to manage the commune's cash. Similarly, a crew of women managed housing allotments, doing the best they could to create households of compatible individuals.

Two residents of Kissing Tree Lodge remember that harmony prevailed in their household; they rarely called on the Housing Ladies to work out problems there—a call that was routine in some households. Midwifery, an almost exclusively female domain, will be treated below.

Initially, only women served as Telephone Ladies on The Farm's switchboard, acquired in , although Cynthia Holzapfel hints that "several guys" joined the crew "later. However, a vignette in Spiritual Midwifery does shed some light on how the sacramental status of motherhood affected women's performance in administrative capacities. One of the many stories in a section of Spiritual Midwifery entitled "Amazing Birthing Tales" is that of the birth of a son, Angus Luigi, to Mildred, then The Farm's accountant and financial manager.

However, only through a postscript by Ina May do we learn that Mildred's full appreciation of this miracle came after an unsettled period during which Angus failed to thrive. Ina May recalls that when she saw Angus again, a week later, he seemed pale and underweight. Despite his good health by objective measurements, the boy continued to languish, causing Mildred and the midwives great concern.

They concluded that Mildred's job had distracted her from the emotional needs of her infant son: a rainy month had depressed income from the crews, creating greater than usual strains on the commune's finances. But the midwives developed another hypothesis as well, which they broached during their consultation with Mildred.

They told her that she related to the newborn in an inhibited manner, that she was cautious in her displays of affection and was refusing to allow herself to enjoy nursing him, in order to avoid any hint of incestuous sexual pleasure.

Stephen happened by during this conversation as he seems so often to have done in The Farm's prescriptive literature. According to Ina May, his quip to Mildred that "a little incest is cool up to about age twelve," and that "someone's got to give him some ['juice']," broke the ice of Mildred's resistance.

She "cracked up laughing," writes Ina May. Incredibly, the midwife asked her readers to believe that her advice "was just what [Mildred] wanted to hear. Miraculously these were, after all, Amazing Birth Tales , the baby gained weight, the rains ceased, and the financial crisis eased.

Such was the power of motherly yin. Employment of mothers was not categorically prohibited among the Farmies, as it was in some other communal groups of the period. To do otherwise would indulge the adult woman's ego-investment in career at the child's expense. As a work of prescriptive literature, Spiritual Midwifery framed the choice in unambiguous terms, quoting one Farm "lady" as saying that she found feminist demands for access to male-dominated careers incomprehensible, since, in her experience, breastfeeding her baby was "heavier than being a corporation president.

Men headed the majority of Farm work crews. Both of the commune's attorneys were men. Farmie Brian Klaski developed specialized skills as the community's waste-water engineer and laundry manager; he earned money to maintain the commune's laundry facility as a maintenance contractor for a number of commercial laundries in the area.

Perhaps no other dimension of The Farm's sexual division of labor more clearly demonstrates the centrality of women's sacred fertility in the community's configuration of gender practice. Along with Stephen, the midwives stood at the center of The Farm's system of labor organization.

The importance of their work meant that midwives enjoyed a degree of access to resources unusual for any Farmie, male or female. Because their duties took them to remote corners of The Farm at all hours, midwives had first priority for use of pickup trucks equipped with citizens'-band radios, and for mechanics' services at the motor pool.

The Farm also created a small but impressive medical facility. Starting in , the midwives, with the advice of resident doctor Paul Meltzer, steadily assembled equipment, including isolettes, warming lamps, and oxygen for a neonatal intensive-care unit. While a few Farmie women joined the community with skills in the life sciences or nursing, and eventually won a place among the elite after demonstrating their bountiful yin, the first midwives combined on-the-job training with self-study.

Ina May's and Stephen's only training in midwifery consisted of careful reading of obstetrics texts, supplemented with advice from sympathetic general practitioners. Midwives even escaped the limitations of an early agreement not to wear jewelry, because watches enabled them to monitor the intervals between laboring women's contractions. Many more felt the call than were chosen. This meant that the stakes on both sides of the dialectical process of reconciling Stephen's ideology with obstetrical experience were especially high.

The commune's continued existence depended on the midwives' skill. Local authorities' tolerance of Farm midwifery in other venues, then frequently regarded as the unlicensed practice of medicine depended on the midwives' expert performance, as well as on the communards' good relations with area medical authorities. They certainly succeeded: in and , the commune published statistics showing their rate of Caesarian births, toxemia, breech delivery, premature delivery, and neonatal mortality to be well below national averages.

I am not competent to evaluate these; however, Ina May Gaskin's presidency of the Midwives' Alliance of North America, and the naming of an obstetrical procedure after her, suggest an exceptional degree of competence. Here, I will turn to the question of equity in The Farm's sexual division of labor: Did Farmie men reap the patriarchal dividend posited by materialist feminists see chapter 3, par.

Nor can we know whether those same conditions might have prompted the woman who argued that nursing a child was "heavier" than holding a corporate presidency to voice a more nuanced account of her experience of the commune's strong emphasis on childrearing. Yet it would not be surprising if both women had made the same statements under such altered circumstances. If, from the perspective of Farmie elites, a labor system organized according to Stephen's principles was, ipso facto, proportionate and just, many other Farmies remained at the commune despite harboring unexpressed reservations.

Among the members of the collective that anthropologist Ilse Martin pseudonymized as the "New Age Brotherhood," the charismatic leader's precipitous shift from Asian asceticism to a heavy dependence on the Bible resulted in an expectation that the daughters of Eve would meekly "submit to their lord" in marriage. Consequently, women's exclusion from positions of authority in the group was nearly total, although that near-totality resulted partly from the departure of several women and men who objected to this exclusion.

The Shiloh Farms community observed by anthropologist Barbara Mathieu also insisted on marriage, but in contrast to the Brotherhood, their doctrinal emphasis on the formal equality of the sexes rendered their sexual division of productive labor roughly as flexible as The Farm's.

However, they resembled the Brotherhood in their insistence on wifely submission in the household. In contrast to both of these, Stephen, who drew on Biblical imagery more than on Christian doctrine, emphasized the equal importance of yin and yang, designating both husband and wife as "helmsmen" of the household. In these ways, The Farm offered an attractive alternative to both men and women looking for a spiritual community where household headship followed a modern, formally companionate model, the labor system followed spiritual principle, and where parenthood was positively encouraged.

Some offered brief, undigested commentary: Kay Marie Wheeler commented laconically to her interviewer that while women did work in the fields, the community never addressed the inequity of women taking primary responsibility for childcare, and having to accept limited participation in work crews as a consequence. She let the matter rest there, however. Yet when asked about the education of children, she responded instead by calling the women's greater responsibility for childcare "sexist role-playing.

But the stresses of childcare, combined with strong pressure to marry and bear many children, and the difficulties that women faced in pursuing more specialized and interesting work, all foreshortened women's horizons. When asked about the distribution of responsibilities in households, he tersely described it as sexist, agreeing with Hunnicutt on pressures toward early marriage and childbirth as reducing women's options within the community. Later in the interview, he returned spontaneously to this theme, declaring that the unequal burdens borne by Farmie women tended to age them beyond their years.

Men's interest in machines and far-flung projects was rewarded, in his view, at the expense of making women's daily lives less manageable. They focus on what historian Louis J. Kern calls The Farm's "pronatalism"—the structural and spiritual importance of fertility and feminine nurture, such that there was strong insistence that "having a baby" constituted women's "ultimate fulfillment. In a social system where the formal equality of the sexes was so central to members' understanding of how the universe worked, why could these women not exercise the control over their fertility that would have permitted them to accept the challenges of highly skilled work—accompanied, of course by further efforts to reorganize work patterns to accommodate their ambitions?

To answer them, we must examine the origins of The Farm's pronatalism and the defenses of its legitimacy. The community's emphasis on pronatalism originated in what Stephen and his most dedicated fellow trippers deeply, sincerely, and passionately believed were their direct experiences of the Godhead, through the medium of LSD. These were refracted through the myriad personal and cultural influences—including, most critically, deeply ingrained presumptions about the naturalness of gender—that they brought to bear on their efforts to create an interpretive framework for those experiences.

For these seekers, these revelations constituted ultimate Truth. We should note that Stephen and his inner circle did not organize themselves as the exclusive keepers of these mysteries: they insisted that every believer must experience that ultimate Truth for themselves, rather than relying blindly on the word of any guru. What Stephen most wanted to impart to seekers was a determination to develop the kind of spiritual character and integrity it took, first to experience and then bear witness to that Truth, even when doing so undercut one's fondest illusions about oneself.

In other words, he wanted his students to make the commitment that had sustained him in his struggles with the "black magicians" of the Haight. He once told his followers, "I can show you. If you want to know if I'm just a. That's the only way I ever learned anything I ever believed. Standing outside his worldview offers a perspective from which to observe that, while he claimed access to a universal Truth that, like water, "runs in every creek and falls out of the sky" for all to imbibe, the sources of that truth lay on the "astral plane.

I am not alone in insisting that universal truth-claims must be verifiable from standpoints independent of the faith of the claimant. Anthropologist Bryan Pfaffenberger, who observed the Monday Night Class and interviewed members of The Farm, has argued that "what we behold in the case of The Farm is the power of religion and ritual to define social relationships in mystical terms and therefore render them unassailable and sacrosanct.

Rather, they adopted it because they truly believed. Nevertheless, from a perspective outside Stephen's faith, the available evidence seems to bear out Pfaffenberger's charge, because Stephen's epistemology was unassailable and sacrosanct by virtue of its foundation in metaphysics.

Those leaders did promote what they believed was a "natural" method of contraception, without barriers and without chemical and hormonal intervention.

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Member of the Chartered Financial Analyst Society. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed. Some capital market experts, represented by the Chairman of the Association of Securities Dealing Houses of Nigeria, have rejected plans by the Federal Government of Nigeria to manage unclaimed dividends — which is projected to hit Nbn by the end of this year, according to a report by Punch.

The Chairman, Association of Securities Dealing Houses of Nigeria, Onyenwechukwu Ezeagu, explained that capital market regulators and operators had leveraged technology to put in place many initiatives to address the issue of unclaimed dividends. Some of these initiatives include de-materialization of shares, which entails upload of quoted companies share in the Central Securities Clearing System for ease of reconciliation, adoption of e-dividend and e-mandate, consolidation of multiple accounts, identity management engagements, and introduction of electronic Initial Public Offering.

Commenting on the recent development, Mr. Nairametrics had earlier reported that some law makers Reps raised alarm over N billion unclaimed dividends in In lieu of this perceived need, a proposal for the creation of an unclaimed dividend and utilized bank balance trust fund was emphasized in the Finance Bill — wherein, dividends declared and unclaimed would be warehoused and owed as a perpetual debt to shareholders.

The SEC has disclosed that state governments have borrowed at least N billion from the Nigerian capital market in the last four decades. The Securities and Exchange Commission SEC , has revealed that state governments in the country have borrowed at least N billion from the Nigerian capital market since Reginald Karawusa, revealed that this amount was raised from the capital market through the issuance of debt since A significant part of these funds was deployed to finance capital projects across the country.

It must be noted that State governments raise long-term funds from the capital market through bond issuance. In the past, many states including Lagos, Ekiti, Delta, Edo State, Yobe, Osun among others, have raised funds from the market which were basically used for the execution of projects and development of infrastructures. The SEC boss, however, noted that a drop in allocation from the Federal Government due to significant decline in oil revenue, low level of internally generated revenue and so on, has negatively affected the ability of most of these states to pay salaries after servicing its debts.

A number of these entities have the capacities to generate cash flows and corporate profitability. He noted that privatization is a way for governments to unlock economic potentials inherent in these state-owned enterprises. It must also be noted that raising these funds from the capital market which are needed badly for development, will be good for transparency, meet the financial obligation and good for funding of capital projects for development.

Such improved infrastructure can help increase the internally generated revenue. With Treasury bills rate at minus 0. The 6 months, 3 months, and 9 months treasury bills true yield traded at This suggests investors are now willing to pay the government to keep their money for them. Nairametrics confirmed this from a reliable investment house that trades in fixed income and equity securities.

The information is also available via premium subscription with the FMDQ. Interest rates on treasury bills sold on the primary market sold for as low as 0. Despite the low yields, investors still oversubscribed treasury bills suggesting that fund managers are willing to keep their money with the government at yields next to zero. Thus, it is not surprising to see yields fall below zero and into negative territory.

Interest rates on fixed income securities such as treasury bills have fallen significantly throughout the year as the central bank abandoned a multi-year monetary policy that had focussed on cutting down the inflation rate and defending the naira. However, since it kicked out local investors from purchasing the previously lucrative OMO bills, interest rates have nosedived drastically leaving investors will limited investment choices.

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Aquarius investments chapel hill Single men and women, sometimes referred sebastian urbanski forexworld as "monks" and "nuns," fit themselves into households centered around married couples as best they could, and took on many social-reproductive tasks in addition to the daily requirements of productive labor outside the household. Business Categories Investment Management. Carrano Director of Gift Planning carrano spfldcol. Note LeDoux, "The Farm," Gaskin's students, he said, agreed to live together nonviolently, to consume a strictly vegan diet, and to hold all money and property in common. Howard Assistant Vice President for Development mhoward binghamton. Morse Dean of Advancement hmorse vermontacademy.

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The first of these was a sorghum-processing mill, erected in September as part of the commune's first commercial venture: production of a sorghum syrup marketed under the name Old Beatnik. The family residence that predated the Farmies became the commune's offices. An outbuilding, once a roadhouse for the Natchez Trace stagecoach line, was first used as a community kitchen, and an adjacent tent housed a dining hall. Most households, however, prepared their own food.

The kitchen was later converted to a flour mill. The original barn, which sheltered a team of workhorses, provided accommodation for Stephen's Sunday-morning religious services during inclement weather. As the only large structure with electricity, it doubled in the early years as the rehearsal space for the Farm Band, an integral part of the commune's recruitment efforts.

The Farm became a hippie village. A tank truck circulated regularly, vacuuming the contents of the outhouses, while another sprinkled water on the roads to control dust. Until the introduction of running water, another truck delivered water to households. In , Vanderbilt University donated a disused water tower, which supplied the communal showers once Farmie shade-tree mechanics devised a way to power the pumping equipment with an automobile engine.

There was no formal police force, although Farmies Leslie Hunt, and later, Johnny McDaniels, functioned as security officers—the latter was summoned, for example, in , when residents reported Farm teenagers joy-riding in a pickup truck.

Over the years, The Farm cobbled together an ungainly financial structure that, somehow, supported the members' desire to share all things in common amid a society devoted to private ownership. As a community-on-wheels, they had evolved a number of common agreements and procedures to keep the Caravan in working order.

However, they departed San Francisco the second time with only vague notions of how to structure the religious community they wanted to create. Of course, Stephen and the members of his four-marriage which had expanded to become a six-marriage at some point on the Caravan would lead, and certainly, leaders and followers would continue to raise their level of collective consciousness, or "group head," as they had on the road.

But the commune's specific form had yet to be decided. They brought to Tennessee not plans, but hopes and principles. Even the most mundane decision could become the subject of debate. Rupert Fike, for example, fashioned a temporary shelter from sheets of plastic and put down a floor of planks salvaged from a local barn.

They suggested that laying a floor might represent an egoistic search for comfort, when their principles exhorted each member to prioritize the collective good. It was still getting figured out, how exactly to be 'spiritual. This assertion of status as a religious community provided the group with an exemption from property taxation, facilitated their claim of federal nonprofit tax status, and vested Stephen with the civil authority of a minister, including the right to perform marriage ceremonies.

They possessed neither knowledge of farming nor of many of the other survival skills required in a rural environment. They proceeded by trial and error. While a soaker, Patricia Mitchell heard that an agreement emerged from the earliest community meetings that each adult would devote one day per week to labor for the collective. They further agreed that, as householder yogis, work was to serve the spiritual growth of the individual.

At first, this meant eschewing what skills one might already possess in favor of unfamiliar work that would induce humility. Nurses and teachers might find themselves pulling weeds and pushing wheelbarrows. Soon, ten- or even fourteen-hour days, five or six days per week, became the routine labor contribution.

The communards also became increasingly convinced of the practical advantages of labor specialization. More or less permanent assignments became the norm for workers possessing critical skills. The first straw boss of the motor pool selected the members of his crew at what member John Coate describes as "a seminal men's meeting" held at the horse barn.

The question was how to earn cash in a local economy that provided few opportunities for steady, waged employment. The Farmies proved highly inventive in their adaptation to these circumstances. At the behest of the first "Bank Lady," Kay Marie Wheeler, they created a temporary-labor agency, Farm Hands, in response to local farmers' and contractors' needs for hands.

The commune's carpentry crew worked diligently to create frame housing for the hippie village as materials became available, but they generated income by expanding into commercial work, hiring their services over a wide swath of the upper and middle South.

In the early years, the carpenters led all Farm crews in cash earnings. Each invented its own bookkeeping system and established its own bank accounts and lines of credit. Straw bosses could seek funds from the Bank Lady, who managed the cash held in common.

Yet quite often, crew members found it necessary to take jobs as temporary laborers to raise funds for essential projects, such as the farming crew's spring planting. The straw bosses of the various crews reported directly to Stephen, as did Wheeler and the financial director, who managed the Foundation's financial assets. The midwives reported to Ina May and, as exemplary wives and mothers who presided over the sacrament of birth, they exercised considerable influence over day-to-day relations among community members, as will be seen in the next chapter.

The marketing of Old Beatnik sorghum syrup was not a resounding success, but members continued to experiment with other forms of cottage industry. The Book Publishing Company, which evolved from the pre-Caravan effort to publish Monday Night Class, designed and printed volumes on Stephen's spiritual teachings, and distributed them internationally. It also offered a list of books on vegetarianism, manuals on citizen's-band radio, the enormously popular Hey, Beatnik, and multiple editions of Ina May's renowned Spiritual Midwifery.

Another enterprise was the construction of radiation detectors, an outgrowth of Farmies' participation in the movement against nuclear power. The commune also participated in the invention or popularization of soybean-based food products. Farm Foods, the marketing division of the community's soy dairy, distributed soy milk, soy ice cream, and a number of other products to hip cooperatives and health-food stores.

The original members had made the down payment on the land by pooling their liquidated personal property and savings; to these funds were added proceeds from the sales of Monday Night Class. At some early point, the Farmies formalized this dimension of membership, requiring new residents to sign a legally binding vow of poverty that made the individual's assets the nonrefundable property of the Foundation.

On occasion, recruitment, inheritance by an established member, or outright donations resulted in a windfall of cash or property. For example, the house that became the Alexandria, Virginia headquarters of Plenty, a humanitarian outreach agency founded by The Farm, was donated by a well-to-do couple. However, because the Internal Revenue Service classified the Foundation as a communal religious organization, such donations were not tax-deductible.

In keeping with his admiration for the Mahayana literally "great-boat" Buddhist approach to enlightenment, Stephen urged the Farmies to conceive of their community as a sanctuary for all those in need. Farm publications and handbills offered free prenatal and obstetrical care to pregnant single women, as an alternative to abortion.

Some members "rescued" elderly relatives from nursing homes; ex-convicts, juvenile delinquents, and patients discharged from mental hospitals were granted sanctuary as well. This musing reflected his faith that an approach to mental health modeled after the "sudden school" of Zen could cure most of the disorders that modern medicine had classified—he believed, incorrectly—as illnesses.

One former member testifies that, in fact, serious mental illnesses, such as schizophrenia, proved impervious to this approach. Yet he calls Stephen's teaching on this point a "small- t truth," noting that the community's consistent application of it to cases in which former mental patients had been misdiagnosed, and had come to believe their diagnosis, yielded impressive results.

I saw that a lot. While low-level mutual criticism, which the Farmies called a "sort session," addressed most of these perturbations of the group head, Stephen also exercised quasi-juridical authority in the early years of the commune. Men who exhibited "hyper—John Wayne" tendencies might be asked to spend time in a single men's residence called the "rock tumbler," named for its function of knocking off rough edges. Another punishment was called "relativity.

Only on very rare occasions were members expelled. In terms of the hippie village's structure, growth prompted the emergence of new layers of organizational hierarchy. By the late s, with widely scattered satellite communities connected via ham radio, and the decision to venture into large-scale commercial agriculture, the Summertown flagship became the center of diversified, corporate-scale enterprise.

Albert Bates suggests the complexity and intensity of economic activity, writing that the farming crew operated around the clock in shifts during the Summertown autumn harvest. That task completed, the crew loaded equipment onto semitrailers for winter vegetable production in Florida. According to Bates, The Farm evolved a crazy-quilt economic structure, "tied together by homebrew computers, sideband radio and ham television, and by dovetailed holding corporations, subsidiaries, and business divisions.

By the time the Mitchell-Lapidus family passed through the gate, a significant number of the commune's adults had not shared in the powerful bonding experiences of the Monday Night Class and the Caravan. At least some of these, including Mitchell, had never experimented with psychedelics.

Her account of one Sunday-morning service reveals how difficult it was for members of her "second generation" of Farm folk to absorb some of the elements of Stephen's teaching. Moreover, the infrequency with which she and Stephen engaged in direct conversation meant that, while her commitment to following Stephen's path was as sincere and steadfast as the next Farmie's, her map of that path was necessarily incomplete—opening the way for her, and others like her, to fill in the blank areas on their own.

While we could certainly observe the Rashomon effect at work among the founding elite as well, its influence is more clearly noticeable among those for whom The Farm's origins were folklore. By the late s, there existed, in a sense, two, three, many Farms. For now, let's focus more explicitly on the sexual division of labor that, initially, so puzzled Don Lapidus and Patricia Mitchell.

As Mitchell's hosts indicated, women did indeed "gig" at Beatnik Bell, as the telephone exchange was called; they also worked in the commune's fields, treated the sick at the clinic, presided at the birth of children, and managed the allocation of cash and housing space—both scarce resources.

Her hosts also pointed to another dimension: women with nursing children stayed close to home. Peter Jenkins' statistics make plain the demographic factors that had contributed to the Farmie baby boom: most adult residents of The Farm were passing through their peak years of fertility and household formation. For much of the communal period —83 , young children comprised half of the population.

Birth was a sacrament; Stephen and the midwives regarded abortion and "artificial" forms of contraception as practices contrary to the "natural" flow of qi, the holy life force. The constant tension between the need for yang productive labor and the high religious value of nurturant yin yielded a labor system in which women were neither strictly confined to the home nor wholly liberated from primary responsibility for social- and sexual-reproductive labor.

Stephen's teachings required married men to support their wives by acting as "knightly" providers and fathers. Single men and women, sometimes referred to as "monks" and "nuns," fit themselves into households centered around married couples as best they could, and took on many social-reproductive tasks in addition to the daily requirements of productive labor outside the household.

This is especially true for Farmie men, because the commune's publications on childbirth were the ones that offered the most detailed accounts of individual interactions. Hey, Beatnik! In one session of the Monday Night Class, Stephen described the consciousness of the individual as a conduit for qi. One's attention determined the ultimate destination of the life-force thus channeled.

An undisciplined mind allowed its focus of attention to wander from object to object. This lack of focus dissipated energy. While such individuals might be prodigiously productive in the narrow, capitalist sense, they tended not to manifest on the material plane much that raised consciousness of Spirit. Undisciplined attention also carried another consequence: the less one focused one's attention, the less one could learn about the surrounding world, since "to know what goes on you had to have been in on it since the beginning.

Rather, since it was the nature of human attention to wander, meditation was the discipline of calmly noticing when attention wanders, and bringing it back to a consistent object of focus. To develop this discipline, one might practice any number of yogas: a common monastic practice was to focus on one's breathing while maintaining the lotus position, with the later addition of a mantra or koan to short-circuit the rational intellect. Gaskin's householder yoga developed a different route to the development of meditative concentration: "Don't ask for a mantra," Stephen told his students.

Historian Joshua B. Freeman studied one of the more extreme cases of blue-collar manliness in the workplace when he sought to explain why so many construction workers demonstrated in support of Richard Nixon's Vietnam policy in These "hardhats," loosely supervised and concentrated at urban worksites in close proximity to pedestrian traffic, were notorious for their sexual harassment of women and their resistance to both gender and racial integration of the construction industry.

Their workplace relations with one another, says Freeman, featured highly sexualized and racialized cursing, craft vocabulary, nicknames and joking. Hardhats also indulged heavily in pornographic imagery and—if opportunity arose—in voyeurism.

This misogynist, racist culture, says Freeman, promoted the rapid, intense bonding that enabled itinerant workers to trust that their coworkers would not carelessly injure or kill one another in dangerous work sites. That's a very heavy reaction for the little thing that happened to you. If, as Stephen taught, the universe was ultimately a field of energy, and the solidity of matter an illusion, then the proper relation between man and machine was not one of mastery, as among Freeman's hardhats, but tantric attunement.

An enlightened man should become one with tools and processes, concentrating his attention to apply precisely the right amount of energy to accomplish a task, and to organize work to expend the minimum possible energy.

The tantric worker "helped" the task to finish itself, just as the tantric husband helped his wife in childbirth. William Santana, for a time the straw boss of the farming crew, recalls that one member of his crew stood out as exemplary because of his intelligence, humility, self-discipline, and willingness to share his knowledge with others.

Joanne Santana chimed in, saying that the tractors this man operated became perfectly responsive extensions of his body and mind. Many had been raised in suburbs and had spent most of their lives in school. They had to rediscover what, for them, were the lost arts of agriculture and a life among machines. When a Cistercian monastery in Georgia donated a large bread-dough mixer to the Farm bakery, the men sent to retrieve the gift marveled at the monks' apparently effortless loading of the ungainly contraption onto their truck with a winch.

A former engineering student miscalculated the tolerances of a homemade derrick used to load the tower onto the Big Pickup—a cut-down Caravan bus, on which a cargo deck replaced the passenger seats. Fortunately, when the derrick's wooden members snapped, the tower fell, unguided, into the cradle mounted on the Pickup.

Alas, both luck and tantric attunement deserted members of the farming crew in , when, in a hasty attempt to load a potato harvester for transport to the Wisconsin satellite, the expensive device was ruined in an unceremonious tumble to the ground. Each developed its own workplace subculture, at least one of which appears to have diverged decidedly from the ideal of tantric manhood.

According to John Coate, the men of the motor pool drifted beyond the pale when their noontime touch-football games generated heated quarrels. They also sold scrap radiators one year—not to finance a work project, but to rent a television to watch an auto race. Their subculture developed "secret handshakes, practical jokes," and "buying and drinking near-beer even though some of us hated it. Rapid population growth reduced the motor pool's bond to the community as a whole. Nevertheless, these Farmie "bad boys" my term observed certain limits: they took care to arrive at the Sunday services in clean clothing and with the requisite contemplative humility.

Some men evinced not only a tantric connection with machinery, but the kind of selfless generosity that exemplified the community's ideals. Brian Klaski speaks of a friend who, on a cold night, under no compulsion other than the welfare of his fellow communards, waded into deep water in order to repair a fractured water line. Michael Cook and a man named Willy spent a long night repairing a cultivator. The Farmies could afford only second-hand farming equipment, making up for its reduced reliability through constant repairs.

Unlike a commercial shop, the motor pool could not afford to maintain inventories of new parts; fixing a broken machine often involved salvaging required items from disabled vehicles, improvising work-arounds, or rummaging through barrels and boxes of unsorted parts already scavenged from other machines. As they arrived, the sun rose. Even the urgency of making up for lost time did not deter the men from marveling at its beauty. They shut down the lumbering machine and stepped away to more fully admire "wonderful shades of gold, orange, and pink.

Just as the sun was cresting the hill, we could both feel the rising energy. Willy turned to me with a huge grin on his face and said, 'Who needs grass? During his grade-school years, Peter Bargar washed dishes once a week. At twelve, he cooked dinner for his large household once a week. Boys raised on The Farm understood the tantric decorum of helping out the "helmsman by night.

Richard Lanham, a road-hardened, teenaged runaway who stayed at The Farm for a while with his mother's blessing, found himself immersed in a sort session when he questioned Farmie women's methods for preparing hash browns. In another incident, Patricia Mitchell was cooking one afternoon for the gate crew and a large number of visitors when a young man entered the kitchen, asking to make popcorn.

Popcorn seasoned with brewer's yeast was a common snack food. Mitchell suggested that the man help her by making enough for everyone; the man agreed, but then only made enough for himself. Seeing him sitting and munching while others depended on her, Mitchell told him that if he was not interested in helping, he should leave the kitchen. The man complained to the straw boss of the gate crew, Leslie Hunt, that Mitchell had hurt his feelings. Hunt simply stated that "she's making lunch for a lot of folks.

She has bigger things to worry about than your feelings. An expectant mother recalls awakening one morning to labor contractions; she got up more slowly than usual, trying to determine whether they were a false alarm. To her great relief, her husband had already roused the children and prepared breakfast. Provision of firewood was one such task. A crew of ten men worked year round to supply cordwood to community households; the men of the households cut, split, and stacked this supply, and carried it indoors as needed.

Peter Bargar recalls that, at the age of fifteen, it was something of a coming-of-age ritual when his father allowed him to pick up the chainsaw. Men and boys also mopped the rough plywood floors of the tent-shanties and houses. As was frequently the case in the rest of the United States, men made repairs around the house. Evans seized a wrench, wrestled the heavy tank into place, and relit the water heater.

Her proficiency amazed the other women, because "this was a man's work, not woman's. But of course, masculinity is not an independent social structure: it is, in Connell's terms, an emergent characteristic of gender, a culture's organization of the reproductive arena. To complete our analysis of The Farm's sexual division of labor as an important factor in shaping its tantric masculinity, we now turn to the reproductive work of women.

As a manifestation of yin, routine household labor took on significance as women's spiritual obligation. Margaret Nofziger, Stephen's legal wife and a member of his group marriage, considered tasks such as cooking and cleaning "a holy duty," and she intended her words to serve as a guide for other women to follow. The women of the Long House scheduled a day in advance. For this household of fifty residents, every day one woman cooked, another cleaned; a third cared for the household's "kid herd" of probably preschool children, while a fourth attended the toddlers who had been weaned.

Women, or a "monk" if one was about the house, walked to the storehouse access to vehicles being limited to claim the household's rations of cooking oil, soap, margarine, sugar, and other items. This pattern, in various permutations, appears to have been quite common among Farmie households.

Barbara Cordette, who lived in a house called the Adobe, affirms that the mothers of children in diapers remained at home almost all of the time to care for them. This practice grew out of the Farmies' belief in the importance of maintaining the unique, "telepathic" connection between mother and child, and their strong emphasis on the importance of breastfeeding.

Klaus and John H. Kennell, champions of the concept of attachment, who claimed that deprivation of mothers' attention early in life left children vulnerable to a wide array of psychological disorders. In place of a dial tone, Beatnik Bell's users heard a message prepared daily by the system's operators, detailing items available at the store, as well as the labor needs of various work crews and cottage industries. Women's labor both inside and outside the household contributed substantially to the community, because The Farm attempted to make up for its relative lack of capital by mustering many hands.

The midwives recognized that childbirth required physical conditioning. Drawing on evidence from other cultures, Ina May wrote that general fitness and sensible exertion during pregnancy made birth less arduous. I am aware of no expressions of men's discomfort with their participation. Jobs requiring highly specialized skills, such as carpentry, or the repair and operation of heavy machinery, seem to have been closed to women.

Anthropologist Bryan Pfaffenberger relates an instance when an unspecified party granted a woman permission, "over the objections of some men and women," to train as a tractor driver. For reasons that Pfaffenberger does not make clear, she "did not hold [the position] long. But even if we presume that she was single and childless—the circumstances most favorable for taking such a position—the midwives might have objected that she was destined for marriage and motherhood, and that the responsibilities of tractor operation especially at peak seasons of planting and harvesting would compete with the inevitable demands that infant and toddler care would make on a Farmie wife.

From a farming-crew perspective, observance of the primacy of child nurture would have interfered with the development and application of skills by women who were mothers of infants or toddlers. One might entertain other, less generous possibilities about ingrained sexism among the critics, but the woman did get permission at least to try.

Still, this points to the larger question that will concern us at the end of this chapter: Why did this woman evidently lack the control of her fertility necessary to accommodate the demands of the season—and why did her desire to drive not count as an occasion to re-examine the commune's belief in the primacy of fertility and nurture? Perhaps by virtue of previous training, of the eleven printers at the Book Publishing Company in , only one was a woman; of the Company's twelve graphic artists, only two were men.

Men dominated the photography department, while the editorial work appears to have been carefully balanced between women and men for the first edition of Spiritual Midwifery. For the second edition, the two men who served as editors did so in the capacity of medical consultants. Five women discharged the other editorial duties.

A minority of women, such as the Bank Lady, sat on governing boards. Women's presumed affinity for resolving interpersonal conflict appears to have predisposed the appointment of women to manage the commune's cash. Similarly, a crew of women managed housing allotments, doing the best they could to create households of compatible individuals. Two residents of Kissing Tree Lodge remember that harmony prevailed in their household; they rarely called on the Housing Ladies to work out problems there—a call that was routine in some households.

Midwifery, an almost exclusively female domain, will be treated below. Initially, only women served as Telephone Ladies on The Farm's switchboard, acquired in , although Cynthia Holzapfel hints that "several guys" joined the crew "later. However, a vignette in Spiritual Midwifery does shed some light on how the sacramental status of motherhood affected women's performance in administrative capacities.

One of the many stories in a section of Spiritual Midwifery entitled "Amazing Birthing Tales" is that of the birth of a son, Angus Luigi, to Mildred, then The Farm's accountant and financial manager. However, only through a postscript by Ina May do we learn that Mildred's full appreciation of this miracle came after an unsettled period during which Angus failed to thrive.

Ina May recalls that when she saw Angus again, a week later, he seemed pale and underweight. Despite his good health by objective measurements, the boy continued to languish, causing Mildred and the midwives great concern. They concluded that Mildred's job had distracted her from the emotional needs of her infant son: a rainy month had depressed income from the crews, creating greater than usual strains on the commune's finances.

But the midwives developed another hypothesis as well, which they broached during their consultation with Mildred. They told her that she related to the newborn in an inhibited manner, that she was cautious in her displays of affection and was refusing to allow herself to enjoy nursing him, in order to avoid any hint of incestuous sexual pleasure. Stephen happened by during this conversation as he seems so often to have done in The Farm's prescriptive literature. According to Ina May, his quip to Mildred that "a little incest is cool up to about age twelve," and that "someone's got to give him some ['juice']," broke the ice of Mildred's resistance.

She "cracked up laughing," writes Ina May. Incredibly, the midwife asked her readers to believe that her advice "was just what [Mildred] wanted to hear. Miraculously these were, after all, Amazing Birth Tales , the baby gained weight, the rains ceased, and the financial crisis eased. Such was the power of motherly yin. Employment of mothers was not categorically prohibited among the Farmies, as it was in some other communal groups of the period.

To do otherwise would indulge the adult woman's ego-investment in career at the child's expense. As a work of prescriptive literature, Spiritual Midwifery framed the choice in unambiguous terms, quoting one Farm "lady" as saying that she found feminist demands for access to male-dominated careers incomprehensible, since, in her experience, breastfeeding her baby was "heavier than being a corporation president.

Men headed the majority of Farm work crews. Both of the commune's attorneys were men. Farmie Brian Klaski developed specialized skills as the community's waste-water engineer and laundry manager; he earned money to maintain the commune's laundry facility as a maintenance contractor for a number of commercial laundries in the area.

Perhaps no other dimension of The Farm's sexual division of labor more clearly demonstrates the centrality of women's sacred fertility in the community's configuration of gender practice. Along with Stephen, the midwives stood at the center of The Farm's system of labor organization. The importance of their work meant that midwives enjoyed a degree of access to resources unusual for any Farmie, male or female.

Because their duties took them to remote corners of The Farm at all hours, midwives had first priority for use of pickup trucks equipped with citizens'-band radios, and for mechanics' services at the motor pool. The Farm also created a small but impressive medical facility. Starting in , the midwives, with the advice of resident doctor Paul Meltzer, steadily assembled equipment, including isolettes, warming lamps, and oxygen for a neonatal intensive-care unit.

While a few Farmie women joined the community with skills in the life sciences or nursing, and eventually won a place among the elite after demonstrating their bountiful yin, the first midwives combined on-the-job training with self-study. Ina May's and Stephen's only training in midwifery consisted of careful reading of obstetrics texts, supplemented with advice from sympathetic general practitioners.

Midwives even escaped the limitations of an early agreement not to wear jewelry, because watches enabled them to monitor the intervals between laboring women's contractions. Many more felt the call than were chosen. This meant that the stakes on both sides of the dialectical process of reconciling Stephen's ideology with obstetrical experience were especially high.

The commune's continued existence depended on the midwives' skill. Local authorities' tolerance of Farm midwifery in other venues, then frequently regarded as the unlicensed practice of medicine depended on the midwives' expert performance, as well as on the communards' good relations with area medical authorities.

They certainly succeeded: in and , the commune published statistics showing their rate of Caesarian births, toxemia, breech delivery, premature delivery, and neonatal mortality to be well below national averages. I am not competent to evaluate these; however, Ina May Gaskin's presidency of the Midwives' Alliance of North America, and the naming of an obstetrical procedure after her, suggest an exceptional degree of competence.

Here, I will turn to the question of equity in The Farm's sexual division of labor: Did Farmie men reap the patriarchal dividend posited by materialist feminists see chapter 3, par. Nor can we know whether those same conditions might have prompted the woman who argued that nursing a child was "heavier" than holding a corporate presidency to voice a more nuanced account of her experience of the commune's strong emphasis on childrearing.

Yet it would not be surprising if both women had made the same statements under such altered circumstances. If, from the perspective of Farmie elites, a labor system organized according to Stephen's principles was, ipso facto, proportionate and just, many other Farmies remained at the commune despite harboring unexpressed reservations. Among the members of the collective that anthropologist Ilse Martin pseudonymized as the "New Age Brotherhood," the charismatic leader's precipitous shift from Asian asceticism to a heavy dependence on the Bible resulted in an expectation that the daughters of Eve would meekly "submit to their lord" in marriage.

Consequently, women's exclusion from positions of authority in the group was nearly total, although that near-totality resulted partly from the departure of several women and men who objected to this exclusion. The Shiloh Farms community observed by anthropologist Barbara Mathieu also insisted on marriage, but in contrast to the Brotherhood, their doctrinal emphasis on the formal equality of the sexes rendered their sexual division of productive labor roughly as flexible as The Farm's.

However, they resembled the Brotherhood in their insistence on wifely submission in the household. In contrast to both of these, Stephen, who drew on Biblical imagery more than on Christian doctrine, emphasized the equal importance of yin and yang, designating both husband and wife as "helmsmen" of the household.

In these ways, The Farm offered an attractive alternative to both men and women looking for a spiritual community where household headship followed a modern, formally companionate model, the labor system followed spiritual principle, and where parenthood was positively encouraged. Some offered brief, undigested commentary: Kay Marie Wheeler commented laconically to her interviewer that while women did work in the fields, the community never addressed the inequity of women taking primary responsibility for childcare, and having to accept limited participation in work crews as a consequence.

She let the matter rest there, however. Yet when asked about the education of children, she responded instead by calling the women's greater responsibility for childcare "sexist role-playing. But the stresses of childcare, combined with strong pressure to marry and bear many children, and the difficulties that women faced in pursuing more specialized and interesting work, all foreshortened women's horizons. When asked about the distribution of responsibilities in households, he tersely described it as sexist, agreeing with Hunnicutt on pressures toward early marriage and childbirth as reducing women's options within the community.

Later in the interview, he returned spontaneously to this theme, declaring that the unequal burdens borne by Farmie women tended to age them beyond their years. Men's interest in machines and far-flung projects was rewarded, in his view, at the expense of making women's daily lives less manageable.

They focus on what historian Louis J. Kern calls The Farm's "pronatalism"—the structural and spiritual importance of fertility and feminine nurture, such that there was strong insistence that "having a baby" constituted women's "ultimate fulfillment. In a social system where the formal equality of the sexes was so central to members' understanding of how the universe worked, why could these women not exercise the control over their fertility that would have permitted them to accept the challenges of highly skilled work—accompanied, of course by further efforts to reorganize work patterns to accommodate their ambitions?

To answer them, we must examine the origins of The Farm's pronatalism and the defenses of its legitimacy. The community's emphasis on pronatalism originated in what Stephen and his most dedicated fellow trippers deeply, sincerely, and passionately believed were their direct experiences of the Godhead, through the medium of LSD. These were refracted through the myriad personal and cultural influences—including, most critically, deeply ingrained presumptions about the naturalness of gender—that they brought to bear on their efforts to create an interpretive framework for those experiences.

For these seekers, these revelations constituted ultimate Truth. We should note that Stephen and his inner circle did not organize themselves as the exclusive keepers of these mysteries: they insisted that every believer must experience that ultimate Truth for themselves, rather than relying blindly on the word of any guru.

What Stephen most wanted to impart to seekers was a determination to develop the kind of spiritual character and integrity it took, first to experience and then bear witness to that Truth, even when doing so undercut one's fondest illusions about oneself. BBB is here to help.

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